An Explication of All the Inscriptions in the Palmyrene Language and Character Hitherto Publish'd. In Five Letters from the Reverend Mr. John Swinton, M. A. of Christ-Church, Oxford, and F. R. S. to the Reverend Thomas Birch, D. D. Secret. R. S.

LXXXVII. An Explication of all the Inscriptions in the Palmyrene Language and Character hitherto publish'd. In five Letters from the Reverend Mr. John Swinton, M. A. of Christ-Church, Oxford, and F. R. S. to the Reverend Thomas Birch, D. D. Secret. R. S. LETTER I. SIR, Christ-Church, Oxford, May 30, 1754. Read June 20, 1754. Several copies of the Ruins of Palmyra reached Oxford, towards the close of December 1753; one of which was purchased by the Reverend Mr. Godwyn, Fellow of Balliol College, a gentleman of great learning, and an eminent tutor of that house. At his invitation, I looked over with him the finished plates, exhibiting to our view those noble remains of antiquity, which gave both of us infinite pleasure and delight; though we then only cast our eyes upon the inscriptions, and particularly those that are the subject of this letter, in a cursory manner. In the beginning of January 1754, Mr. Godwyn informed me, that he had discovered several letters of the Palmyrene alphabet, by the help of the Greek inscriptions corresponding with some of those drawn in the Palmyrene character; and that he could even decipher a few words in several of the latter inscriptions. At the same time, he desired me to apply myself to the interpretation of those inscriptions, and the discovery Num. I. Taken from Montfaucon's L'Antiq. Explic. pl. CLXXIX. Tom. II. ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΑΩΚΑΙ ΙΠΑΛΑΧΒΗΛΩΠΑΤΡΩΟΙΣΘΕΟΙΣ ΚΑΙΤΟΣ ΙΓ ΝΟΝ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΥΝΤ ΥΝΠΑΝΤΙΚΟΣ Ο ΣΩΝΕΘΗΚΕ ΤΛΥΡΦΛΙΟΔΡΟΠΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥΑΔΡΙΑΝΟΣΠΑΛΜΥΡΗΝΟΣΚΛΗΝΙΔΙΩΝΥΠΕΡ Num. II. Taken from Reland's Palaest. Illust. Tom. II. pag. 526. N. 1. From a Ms. of the Rev. Mr. W. Halifax, who copied it from the Stone in 1691. ΑΠΙ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΩ ΚΕΡΑΥΝΙΩ ΥΝΕΡ ΕΩ ΘΡΙΑΣ ΤΡΑΓΑΠΙΑΝΟΥ ΣΕΒ ΤΟΥ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΑΡΑΘΑΝΕΝΟC ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟC ΤΗC ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟC ΤΗΝ ΚΑΜΑΡΑΝ ΩΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΕΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΙΝΗ... ΕΞΙΑΙΩΝ ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥC ΕΜΥ ΜΗΝΟC ΛΩΟΥ...... Num. III. Taken from Reland's Palaest. Illust. Tom. II. pag. 526. N. 2. From Spon's Miscell. erudit. antiqu. pag. 3. N. 2. SOLI SANCTISSIMO SACRVM TI. CLAVDIVS FELIX ET CLAVDIA HELPIS ET TI CLAVDIVS ALYPVS FIL. EORVM VOTVM SOLVERUNT LIBENS MERITO CALBIENSES DE COH. III. J. Mynde sculp. ΕΠΤΙ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠ ΟΥΚΗΝΑΡΙΩΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣΑΥΡΗ Ο ΒΑΛΟΣ ΔΟΥΤΟΥ ΗΓΟΣΙΣ ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑ ΤΗΣΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ ΟΝΕΑΥΤΟΥ ΦΙΛΟΝ ΤΕΙΣΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝΕΤΟΥΣ ΜΗΝΕΙ ΛΠΕΜΑΙΩ XX …………………ΟΔΗΜΟΣ ΜΑΛΗΝΤΟΝΚΑΙΑΤΡΙΠΠΑΝ ΙΑΡΑΙΟΥΤΟΥΡΡΑΙΟΥΓΡΑΜΜΑ ΤΕΑΓΕΝΟΜΕΝΟΝΤΟΔΕΥΤΕ ΡΟΝΕΠΙΔΗΜ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΔΡΙ ΛΝΟΥΑ ΜΙΜ ΜΑΠΑΡΑΣΧΟ ΤΑΞΕΝΟΙΣΤΕΚΑΙΠΟΛΕΙΤΑ XXI ΗΒΟΥΛΗΚΑΙΟΔΗΜΟΣΒΑΡΕΙΧΕΙΝ ΑΜΠΙΚ ΜΕΟΥΤΟΥΙΑΡΙΒ ΩΛΕΟΥΣ ΚΑΙΜΟΚΙΜΟΝΥΙΟΝΑΛΤΟΥΕΥΕΣΒΕΙΣ ΚΑΙΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣΤΕΙΔΗΝΣΧΑΡΙΝ XXII ΜΑΛΙΧΟΝ ΝΕΑΤΟΥΚΩΜΑΤΟΥΕΠΙΚΑΛΟ ΥΜΕΝΟΥΑ ΚΑΛΟΥ ΦΥΛΗΣΧΟΜΑΡΗΝΩΝΝΑΛ ΜΥΡΗΝΩΝ ΟΔΗΜΟΣΕΝΟΙΑΣΕΝΕΚΑ XXIII ΓΕΝΔΑΤΙΟΝ ΟΥΕΛΛΗΝΙΟΝ ΠΡΕΙΚ ΟΝ ΜΑΚΡΕΙΝΟΝΤΟΝ ΑΓΝΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΙΚΑΙΟΝ ΚΥΤΗΡΑ ΜΑΝΝΟΚΟΝΑΙ ΜΕΖΑ Β ΒΑΝ ΔΑΛΙΛΗΤΟΝΕΥΕΡΓΕΤΗΝ XXIV ΣΕΠΤ ΥΑΙΟΝΤΟΝΠΟΛ ΤΗΝ ΚΑΤ …… ΣΤΗΤΗΝΗΠΟΛΙΣ XXV ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΣΕΥΣΕΒΗΣΚΑΙΟΠΑΤΡΙΣ ΚΑΙΤΕΤΕΙΜΗΜΕΝΟΣΥΠΟΤΩΝΘΕΙΩΤΑΤΩΝΑ ΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΩΝΤΕΤΑΡΤΗΣ ΤΡΑ ΤΕΙΑΣΕΠΑΡΧ ΣΕΙΛΗΣ ……………… ΑΡΕΑΣΤΕΙΜΗΣ ………………………………… ΕΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ XXVI ΤΟΜΝΗΜΙΟΝΤΟΤΑΦΕΩΝΟΣΕΚΤΙΣΕΝΕΞΙΑΙΝ ΣΕΠΤΙΜΙΟΣΟΔΑΙΝΑ ΘΟΣΟΛΑ ΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΟΣΣΥΝ ΚΑΝΤΙΚΟΣΑΙΡΑΝΟΥΟΥΑΒΑΛΛ ΑΘΟΥΤΟΥΝΑΛΣΡΟΥ ΑΥΤΩΤΕΚΑΙΥΙΟΙ ΚΑΤΟΥΚΑΙΥ ΙΩΝΟΙΕΙΣΤΟΠΑΝ ΤΕΛΕΣΑΙΩΝΙΟΝΤΕΙΔΗΝ XXVII RESORBISSIVET PROPAGATORES GENERIS HVMANI DDNNDIOCLETIANVS SIMPIMPPETCONSTANTIVSETMAXIMIANVSNOBB.CAES.CASTPAFELICITEPCONSIDERINT SOSSIANOHIEROCLITEV.PRAES.PROVINCIÆDN.M.O.EORVM. J. Mynde fecit. IX ΗΒΟΥΛΗΚΑΙΟΔΗΜΟΣ ΛΟΥΛΙΟΝΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝΖΗΝΟΒΙΩΝ ΤΟΝΚΑΙΖΑΒΔΙΛΑΝΔΙΣΜΑΛ ΧΟΥΤΟΝΑΣΣΟΥΜΟΥΣΤΡΑΤΗ ΓΗΛΑΝΤΑΕΝΕΠΙΔΗΜΙΑΘΕΟΥ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥΚΑΙΥΠΗΡΕΤΗ ΚΑΝΤΑΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑΔΗΝΕΚΕΙ ΡΟΥΤΙΛΛΙΟΥΚΡΙΣΠΕΙΝΟΥΤΟΥ ΗΓΗΣΑΜΕΝΟΥΚΑΙΤΑΙΣΕΠΙΔΗ ΜΗΣΑΚΑΙΚΟΥΗΞΙΑΛΑΤΙΟΙΚΙΝΑ ΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑΤΕΚΑΙΟΥΚΟΛΙ ·ΩΝΑΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ ΚΑΙΚΑΛΩΣΠΟΛΕΙΤΕΥΣΑΜΕΝΟΝ ΩΣΔΙΑΤΑΛΥΤΑΜΑΡΤΥΡΦΘΗΝΑΙ ΥΠΟΘΕΟΥΙΑΡΙΒΟΛΟΥΚΑΙΥΠΟΙΟΥ ΛΙΟΥΤΟΥΕΞΟΧΩΤΑ ΤΟΥΕΠΑΡΧΟΥΤΟΥΙΕΡΟΥΠΡΑΙΤΩ ΡΙΟΥΚΑΙΤΗΣΠΑΤΡΙΔΟΣΤΟΝΦΙΛΟ ΠΑΤΡΙΝΤΕΙΜΗΣΧΑΡΙΝΕΤΟΥΣΔΑΝΦ X ΙΟΥΛΙΟΝΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΝΖΕΒΕΙΔΑΝ ΜΟΚΙΣΟΥΤΟΥΖΕΒΕΙΔΟΥ ΑΣΘΩΡΟΥΒΑΙΔΑΟΙΣΥΝΑΥΤΩ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣΕΙΣΟΛΟΓΕΣΙ ΑΔΑΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝΕΣΤΗΣΑΝΑΡΕ ΚΑΝΤΑΑΥΤΟΙΣΤΕΙΔΗΣΧΑΡΙΝ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΩΤΟΥΗΝΦΕΤΟΥΣ XI ΣΕΠΤΙΛΙΟΝΑΙΡΑΝΗΝΟ ΔΑΙΝΑΘΟΥΤΟΝΛΑΜΠΡΟ ΤΑΤΟΝΣΥΝΚΑΛΗΤΙΚΟΝ ΕΣΝΩΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΡΗΑΙ ΟΔΟΡΟΥΣΤΡΑΤΙΩ ΤΗΣΛΕΓΚΗΣΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΡΩΝ··ΕΙΜΗΣΚΑΙΕΥΧΑ ΡΙΞΤΙΑΣΧΑΡΙΝΕΤΟΥΣΔΑΝΦ XII ΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΣΕΛΕΥ ΚΟΝ ΣΕΕΙΛΑ ΔΥ ΩΣ ΣΤΡΑΤ ΜΑΡΤΥ ΡΗΘΝ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΑΜΕΝ ΡΑΤΙΣΤΗ ΒΟΥΛΗΑ ΜΥΡΙΑΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝΕΤΟΥΣ ΣΤΡΥΠΕΡΒΕΡΕΤΑΙΩ XIII ΗΒΟΥΛΑ ΟΥΛΙΟΝ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΟ ΑΘΩΝ ΜΑΛΗ ΡΧΕΜΠΟΡΟΝ ΑΝΑΚΟΜΙΚ ΣΥΝΟΔΙΑΝ ΠΡΟΙΚΑΕΣΙΔΙΩΝΤΕΙΜΗΣΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣΔΑΝΦ J. Mynde sculp. Φιλοσ. Trans. Vol. XLVIII. TAB. XXVIII. From Mr. Dawkins's plate of Greek Inscriptions. XIV ΥΠΙΛΙΟΝΟΥΡΩΔΗΝ ΠΑΛΜΥΡΗΝΟΝΒΗΛΑ ΚΑΒΟΣΑΡΤΑΝΩΝΦΙ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΟΦ XV ΣΕΝΤΙΛ ΤΟΝΚΡΑ ΠΟΝΣΕΒ ΝΑΡΙΟΝΚΑΙ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣΑΥΡ ΠΥΙΔΟΣΜ ΚΑΝΝΑΣΚΟΥ ΣΤΟΤΟΝΦΙΛΟΝΚΑΙΠΡΟΣΤ ΑΤΗΝΤΕΙΔΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣΖΟ ΦΗΝΕΙΖΑΝΔΙΚΩ XVI ΣΕΝΤ ΟΥΟΡΩΔΗΝ ΤΟΝΚΡΑΤΙΤΟΝΕΠΙΤΡΟ ΠΟΝΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥΔΟΥΚΗ ΝΑΡΙΟΝΚΑΙΑΡΓΑΠΕΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣΛΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΣΕΝΤΙΛΙΟΝΙΑΔΗΝΠΙ ΠΙΚΟΣΣΕΝΤΙΛΙΟΥΑΛΕ ΞΑΝΔΡΟΥΤΟΥΗΡΩΔΟΥ ΛΠΟΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΝΤΟΝΦΙ ΛΟΝΚΑΙΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝ ΤΕΙΔΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝΕΤΟΥΣ ΗΟΦΗΝΕΙΖΑΝΔΙΚΩ XVII ΣΕΝΤΙΛΙΟΝΟΥΡΩΔΗΝ ΤΟΝΚΡΑΤΙΤΟΝΕΠΙΤΡΟ ΠΟΝΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΥΔΟΥΚΗ ΝΑΡΙΟΝΚΑΙΑΡΓΑΠΕΤΗΝ ΙΟΥΛΙΟΣΑΥΡΗΛΙΟΣ ΚΑΣΙΑΝΟΥΤΟΥΕΝΑΙΟΥ ΙΠΠΕΥΣΡΩΜΑΙΩΝΤΟΝΦΙΟΝ ΚΑΙΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΗΝΕΤΟΥΣΦ ΜΗΝΕΙΖΑΝΔΙΚΩ XVIII ΗΒΟΥ ΣΕΝΤΙΛ ΤΙΤΟΝC ΔΟΥΚΗΝ ΘΗΜΗ ΝΑΚΟΜΙC ΕΤΙΔΙΩΝΚΑΙΜΑΡΤΥΡΗΘΕΝΤΑ ΥΠΟΤΩΝΑΡΧΕΜΠΟΡΩΝΚΑΙ ΛΑΜΠΡΩΣΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΝΣΑΝΤΑΚΑΙ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΝΣΑΝΤΑΘΗΣΑΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΚΑΙΠΛΕΙΣΤΑ ΟΙΚΟΘΕΝΑΝΑΛΩΝΣΑΝΤΑΚΑΙΑΡΕΝΑΝ ΤΑΤΗΤΕΑΥΤΗΒΟΥΛΗΚΑΙΤΩΔΗΝΙΩ ΚΑΙΝΥΝΕΙΑΛΜΠΡΩΣΣΥΜΠΟΣΙΑΡ ΧΟΝΤΩΝΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣΒΗΛΟΥΙΕ ΤΕΙΔΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝ 3·ΑΝ J. Mynde sculp. Philos. Trans. Vol. XLVIII. TAB. XXVI. From Mr. Dawkins's I. plate of GREEK Inscriptions. I ΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΑΙΩΝΙΟΝ ΓΕΡΑΤΩΚΟΔΩΜΗΣΕΝΙΑΜΑΛΙΧΟΣ ΜΟΚΕΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΛΙΧΟΥ ΕΙΣΤΕ ΑΥΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΙΟΥΣΚΑΙ ΕΓΓΟΝΟΥ ΥΣΕΤΟΥ ΣΑΙΤΗΜΑ II ΤΟΜΝΗΜΕΙΟΝ ΕΝΕΚΤΙΚΑΝ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΟΣΜ ΑΝΝΑΙΟΣ ΧΟΧΑΙΕΙΣ ΜΑΛΙΧΟΣ ΟΥ ΑΒΑΛ ΛΑΘΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΝΝΑΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΛΑΒΗΛΟΥ ΑΥΤ ΟΙΚΚΑΙΙΟΙ ΟΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΔΙΤΥΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ III ΗΒΟΥΛΗΚΑΙΟ ΔΗΜΟΣ ΑΛΙΑΛΑΜΕΙΝΑΠΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΘΑΚΑΙ ΑΙΡΑΝΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΠΑΤΕΡΑ ΑΥΤΟΥ ΕΥΣΕΒΕΙΚΑΙ ΦΙΛΟΠΑΤΡΙΔΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΑΝΤΙ ΤΡΟΠΩ ΣΙΜΩΣΑΡΕΙ ΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΗ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙΚΑΙ ΤΟΙΣ ΠΑΤΡΙΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ Ε ΤΟΥ ΣΝΥΜΗΝΟΣ ΞΑΝΔΙΚΟΥ IV ΗΒΟΥΛΗ ΑΟ· ΑΛΕΙΝΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΣΑΒΑΤΟΥ ΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΒΩΝΝΕΟΥ ΣΕ ΠΑΝΓΕΙ Ν· ΝΑΥΤΗ ΠΙΔΟΣ ΙΝΑΙΩΝΙΑΝ ΙΘΥΣΙΑΝ ΚΑΙ··· ΑΙ· ΘΕ· ΑΤΑ ΛΑΧΒΗΛΩΚΑΙ· ΣΧΗΟΜΕΙΟΚ ΙΑΤΕΙΝ ΠΑΤΡΩΟΙ ΘΕΟΙΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΝΗΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΑΝΥΝ· Ι· Ω V ΝΕΧΑΛΑΤΟΥΝΕΣ ΝΕΧΑΛΑΤΟΥΝΕΣ ΧΤΟΥΛΑ ΤΟΥ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΟΥ ΣΥΝΟΔΙΑΡΧΗ, ΤΕΣΜΕΤΑ· ΤΟΥ ΕΜΠΟΡΟΙΑΙ ΟΛΑΓΑΣΙΑΔΟΣ ΤΕΙΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΣΤΝΥΜΗΝΟ VI ΔΙΙΨΙΤΩΜΕΓΙΣΤΩΚΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΑΡΙΣΤΕΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΟΚΙΜΟΥ ΑΙΡΕΘΕΙΣ ΣΕ ΦΑΣ ΠΗΓΗΣ ΥΙ ΕΞΙΔΙΩΝ ΝΕΘΗΚΕΝΕΤΟΥ VII ΜΑΡΘΕΙΝΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ Τ ΚΑΠΑΔΗΤΟΥ ΟΥ ΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟ ΤΟΥ ΣΥΜΝΟΥ ΟΥ ΠΑΙΧΟΙΑΙ ΑΝΗΡΑΤΗ ΣΜΝΗΜΗΣΕΝ ΜΗΝΕΙΔΥΣΤΡΩΤΟΥ ΣΥΕΤ VIII ΔΙΙΨΙΤΩΚΑΙ ΠΗΚΟΩΙΙΟΥ ΑΥΡ ΝΤΙΤΤΑΤΡΟΚΟΚΑΙ ΑΜΕΙΤΟΥ ΖΗΝΟΒΙ ΟΥΤΟΥ ΑΚΟΤΑΟΥ ΕΥΖΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΚΑΝΕ ΘΗΚΕΝΕΤΟΥ ΣΑΜΦ ΑΥΔΥΝΑΙΟΥ ΚΔ ΤΟΥΚΑΙΑΚΚΑΛΕΙCOY ΤΜΗΝΙ ΖΑΝΔΙΚΩ VEC . . . . ΥΛΑΤΟΥΡΕΦΕΛΟΥ ΑΡΧΗΝΟΙCΥΝΑΝΑΒΑΝ ΡΟΙΑΠΟΦΟΡΑΘΟΥΚΕ ΗΣΚΑΙΕΥΧΑΡΙΣΤΕΙΑC ΜΗΝΟΣΖΑΝΔ . . . [ 'ΩΚΑΙΕΠΗΚΟΩΒΩΛΑΝΟΣΖΕΝΟΒΙΟΥ ΚΙΜΟΥΤΟΥΜΑΘΑΕΠΙΜΕΛΗΤΗΣ ΓΗΣΥΠΟΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥΤΟΥΘΕΟΥΤΟΝΒΩ: ΙΕΤΟΥΣΔΟΥΜΗΝΟΣΥΠΕΡΒΕΡΕΤΑΙΟΥΚ ΡΟΥΤΟΥ ΛΑΘΟΥ ΧΟΣΑΙΡΑΝΟΥ ΗΣΕΝΕΚΕΝ ΣΥΕΤΟΥC J. Mynde sculp. Philos. Trans. Vol. XLVIII. TAB. XXV. From Mr. Dawkins's plate of PALMYRENE Inscriptions. VIII 16. IX 17. X 19. J. Mynde sculp. discovery of the Palmyrene alphabet. This, I told him, I could not then do; being engaged in a work of another nature, which I was obliged to dispatch with all the expedition possible. However, I assured him, that I would spend now-and-then an hour or two upon those inscriptions, when tired with working, and try what I could make of them. Having therefore borrowed a copy of the Ruins of Palmyra, on Saturday, January 12, 1754, I began, about five o'clock in the afternoon, to compare the 16th, 17th, and 19th Greek inscriptions with the 8th, 9th, and 10th Palmyrene, with all the attention I was capable of; and, in less than two hours time, did not only find out twenty letters of the Palmyrene alphabet, but likewise could interpret, to my own satisfaction, the three last-mentioned inscriptions. Between seven and eight o'clock, Mr. Godwyn sent me several words belonging to some of the other inscriptions, in the Hebrew character, the significations of which he had, as he apprehended, discovered, and the powers of eighteen different Palmyrene letters, as they appeared to him, in order to facilitate my inquiries. 'Tis worthy observation, that he assigned all these letters the same powers and places in the alphabet I had done; which confirmed me in my opinion, that I could not be very remote from truth. The form of the element Koph appeared to me at first to represent Hbeth; but the word ΑΚΙΜ, POSVIT, EREEXIT, &c. soon afterwards gave me sufficiently to understand, that I was mistaken. We likewise both found, that this character sometimes occupied the place of Mem; though scarce the least affinity is to be observed between the forms of Koph and Mem, either in the Phœnician or the Chaldee alphabet. 4 S 2 The unexpected success, I had met with, excited me afterwards to examine the letters and words of several other Palmyrene inscriptions, even some of those, which had no Greek ones to answer them. The latter however, for some time, not a little embarrassed me; as I found the spirit and genius of them very different from those of the others; though, with pleasure, I observed, that in the most essential points the three completest of them agreed. But, notwithstanding this, before the close of Thursday, January 17, 1754, I had discovered twenty-one letters of the Palmyrene alphabet; and could, as I imagined, translate into Latin and English seven of the thirteen inscriptions drawn in the Palmyrene character, three of which had no correspondent Greek inscriptions. In fine, before the end of February 1754, I thought myself able to explain all the thirteen inscriptions, except the twelfth, which had several of its letters defaced; though I soon found out the date it bore, which indeed was visible enough, as well as perceived the true turn and nature of it. I likewise had made myself fully acquainted with the forms and powers of all the Palmyrene letters, except those of Tzade; which, if I am not greatly mistaken, I have since certainly discovered. To the preceding short account of the gradual progress made in the supposed interpretation of these inscriptions, from the beginning to the end of it, I shall beg leave to subjoin here the Palmyrene alphabet, with some ligatures of the letters. After which will follow a Latin and English version of six Palmyrene inscriptions, not a little illustrated by the Greek ones answering to them; and of four of those, that have no correspondent Greek inscriptions. To which I shall add a few cursory remarks, marks, and the particular days on which the expli- cations of the inscriptions were supposed to have been hit upon; that the true dates of these explica- tions (if such the learned gentlemen of the Royal Society should allow them to be), may, with the ut- most precision, be ascertained. The PALMYRENE Alphabet compared with the HEBREW. | Palmyr. | Hebr. | Palmyr. | Hebr. | |---------|-------|---------|-------| | Aleph | א | Lamed | ל | | Beth | ב | Mem | מ | | Gimel | ג | Nun | נ | | Daleth | ד | Samech | ס | | He | ה | Ajin | ע | | Vau | ו | Pe | פ | | Zain | ז | Tzade | צ | | Hheith | ח | Koph | כ | | Teth | ט | Resch | ר | | Jod | י | Schin | ש | | Caph | כ | Sin | ס | LIGATVRES of the PALMYRENE Letters. Inscription Inscription VIII. See Plate xxv, Number viii. Septimivm voroden excellentissivm procvratorem dvcenarivm et argapetam posvit ivlius avrelius septimivs iada hippicvs ::::: ::::: Ivlivs avrelius septimivs iada hippicus :::: placed septimivs vorodes, the most excellent procvrator dvcenarius and argapeta, here. January 12th, 1754. Inscription IX. See Plate xxv, Number ix. Septimivm voroden excellentissivm procvratorem dvcenarivm et argapetam posvit ivlius avrelius salma filius cassianii filii ::::: ::::: Ivlivs avrelius salma, the son of cassianus, the son ::::: :::: placed septimivs vorodes, the most excellent procvrator dvcenarius and argapeta, here. January 12th, 1754. Inscription Inscription X. See Plate xxv, Number x. SEPTIMIVS VORODES EXCELLENTISSIMVS PROCVRATOR DVCENARIUS QVEM POSVIT AMICI-TIÆ NOMINE IVLIVS AVRELIVS NABIBAL FILIVS SAODOIDÆ (vel SAODVTI) DVCTOR EXERCITUS COLONIÆ HONORIS CAVSA ANNO DLXXIV MENSE APELLÆO. SEPTIMIVS VORODES, THE MOST EXCELLENT PROCVRATOR DVCENARIVS, WHOM IVLIVS AVRELIVS NABIBAL, THE SON OF SAODVTVS, GENERAL OF THE COLONY'S FORCES, ON ACCOVTN OF FRIENDSHIP, PLACED here, IN ORDER TO DO HIM HONOVR, IN THE YEAR DLXXIV, and THE MONTH APELLÆVS. January 12th, 1754. Remarks on these Inscriptions. 1. They seem to have appertained originally, tho' probably all of them were inscribed either on pillars or pedestals, to three statues of SEPTIMIVS VORODES, and to have applied to those statues the name of the person they represented. This is so clear from the stile of the inscriptions themselves, that I shall insist no farther upon it here. 2. The 2. The two first of them are imperfect, the latter part of both having been apparently defaced. 3. The word NABIBAL, which is undoubtedly the true reading, as I have restored it here, that has been partly deformed and partly effaced by time, or else not exactly taken, in the third line of the tenth inscription, may be recovered by the assistance of the Greek one answering to it. 4. I have taken the liberty to suppose the letter wanting in the beginning of the last word in the fourth line of that inscription to be Lamed; which supposition the oriental critics will perhaps allow to be not very remote from truth. For, הָלֵךְ, may either be expressed in Latin AMICITIÆ NOMINE, PRO AMICITIA, or (as Lamed, according to Schindler, Lex. Pent. p. 914, is sometimes an article of the accusative case) AMICVM SVVM; any of which expressions will come near enough to TON EAT-TOT ΦΙΛΟΝ, in the correspondent Greek one, and be perfectly consonant to the tenor of both inscriptions. 5. The dialect, in which these Palmyrene inscriptions are written, is most certainly the Syriac. This is rendered incontestable by the words מִקְרָא SURGERE FECIT, POSUIT, EREEXIT, STATUIT; בֶּן, FILIUS; יִכְרֹא, HONORIS CAUSA; הָלֵךְ, or הָלֵךְ, PRO AMICITIA; which manifestly belong to that dialect. 6. But, notwithstanding this, several of the words they exhibit, such as ΚΡΑΤΙΣΤΩΝ, ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΗ, ΑΣΤΡΑΠΗΓΑ, ΔΥΣΕΝΑΡΑ, and COLONIA, are indisputably of Greek and Latin extraction. 7. In the third line of the tenth inscription, the word AVRELIVS wants the letter R; and in the fourth, the word ACTRATHGA the letter T. That this is an undoubted doubted truth, we may fairly infer from the third line of the eighth inscription, and the second of the fourth; where both these words drawn out at length, after the oriental manner, evidently occur. 8. The true reading of the word ΑΡΓΑΠΕΤΗΝ, in the sixteenth and seventeenth Greek inscriptions, which neither Dr. Halley, Dr. Bernard, Dr. Smith, nor Mr. Seller could ascertain, is clearly discovered by the word (a) ARGABETA, in the second line of the eighth, as well as of the ninth, Palmyrene inscription; both of which are here exhibited to our view. 9. The tenth inscription, the latest of those whose dates have been preserved, did not precede the 574th year of the æra of Seleucus, nearly coincident with the 263d of CHRIST; having been drawn out in the month Apellæus, or December, that year. This therefore will fix the date, that the correspondent Greek inscription originally bore; and consequently render that inscription something more complete, than it was before. 10. It appears from these inscriptions, that the letter Vau was sometimes pronounced by the Palmyrenes, in the third century after CHRIST, like O, and at other times like OV or V; as also that they some- (a) It seems to appear from the word ΑΡΓΑΒΙΑ, which in Leo denotes a sort of hamper, used by the cavalry chiefly for the carriage of water, that ΑΡΙΑΠΕΤΗΣ, ΑΡΓΑΒΕΤΗΣ, or ARGABETA, signified an officer at Tadmor, whose province it was to supply the troops with water, in order to support them in their march over the vast deserts surrounding that place. Nor can it be doubted, but such an officer must have been extremely necessary in a city distinguished from all others by so remarkable a situation. Vid. Leonis Imperat. Tactic. Cap. xiii. S. ii. Filip. Pigafetta, in annotat. ad Leon. ibid. Mauric. Lib. vii. p. 143. Upsaliæ, 1664. Vid. etiam Carol. Du Fresn. Gloffar. ad Scriptor. med. & infim. Graecitat. in voc. ΑΡΓΑΒΙΑ. times assigned to their Beth the power of the Greek Pi: of which other examples will likewise hereafter be produced. Inscription I. See Plate xxiv, Number 1. NOMINI BENEDICTO TIMOR IN SECVLVM IVL. AVR. PRO PATRE NOSTRO (vel PRO PATRE) QVI ET FILIVS AILÆ (AILI vel ALLI) ZENOBII ACOBÆI (ACOBENSIS vel ACABENSIS) dedicavit MENSIS TEBETH DIE IV ANNO DXLIV. TO THE BLESSED NAME BE FEAR FOR EVER: IVL. AVR. dedicated this ON OVR (or HIS) FATHER’s ACCOVNT, WHO WAS THE SON OF AILA ZENOBIUS OF ACOBA, (or ACABA) THE FOURTH DAY OF THE MONTH TEBETH, IN THE YEAR DXLIV. January 15th, 1734. Inscription II. See Plate xxiv, Number ii. NOMINI NOMINI BENEDICTO IN SECVLVM BONO ET MISERICORDI TIMOR COR. IVL. FILIVS ZABDI- BOLI FILII MILCOMI OB SVAM ET FRATRIS EIVS SALVTEM dedicavit MENSE TISRI ANNO DXXXIII. TO THE BLESSED NAME, FOR EVER GOOD AND MERCIFVL, BE FEAR: COR. IVL. THE SON OF ZABDIBOL, THE SON OF MILCOM, dedicated this FOR HIS OWN HEALTH or SAFETY, AND THAT OF HIS BROTHER, IN THE MONTH TISRI, and THE YEAR DXXXIII. January 17th, 1754. Inscription XIII. See Plate xxv, Number XIII. לברך שם לעלמה עבר שלום בר נשה בר חייאו בהר על הזיזי הזיזי בתי ה ביה יסן שנת תמו ח NOMINI BENEDICTO IN SECVLVM timor PA- RAVIT SALMON FILIVS NASÆ FILII HIZÆ (vel CHITZÆ) VTIQUE PROPTER SVAM ET LIBERO- RVM EIVS SALVTEM ::::: MENSE NISAN ANNO CCCCXLVII. TO THE BLESSED NAME FOR EVER be fear: SALMON THE SON OF NASA, THE SON OF HIZA, (or CHITZA) PREPARED (or DEDICATED) this ON ACCOVNT OF HIS OWN HEALTH or SAFETY, AND THAT OF HIS CHILDREN, IN THE MONTH NISAN, and THE YEAR CCCCXLVII. January 17th, 1754. Remarks on these Inscriptions. 1. The stones that exhibit them seem to have belonged to altars dedicated to Jupiter, the chief of the gods, or rather to the Supreme Deity, either in consequence of vows formerly made, on account of recoveries from dangerous fits of sickness; or for the future health, safety, and preservation of the persons therein mentioned. This sufficiently appears, not only from the Greek inscription, which in some measure expresses the sense of the first of them, but likewise from the tenor of them all. Nor can anything be more clear and explicit, than the terms of which they are composed. 2. The aforesaid Greek inscription only informs us, that JVLIVS AVRELIVS, therein also mentioned, dedicated an altar, on his father's account, after he had prayed to the deity, for whom that altar was designed. But the Palmyrene one answering to it has preserved the very form of this short prayer, or ejaculation; which pretty nearly corresponds with that used by the prophet Daniel, in chap. ii. ver. 20. as well as a very noted one of the Rabbins. Nor is it altogether remote from a (a) scriptural expression, that now and then occurs. Nay, that the antient Syrians, or rather the Syrian Jews, applied the word נַאֲמֵי, NAME, to GOD, or the Supreme Being, we learn from some (b) good authors. This opens a large field for reflections, and suggests to us several remarkable particulars relating to the religion, or rather religions, that prevailed at Tadmor, about the middle of the third century. 3. Those particulars are likewise very clearly pointed out to us by the second Palmyrene inscription, which contains a sort of short prayer, or eja- (a) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 247—250, 1886, &c. (b) Edm. Caffel. Lex. Hept. p. 3772. culation, not unlike one in the beginning of the (a) Liturgy of the Syrian Jacobite Christians, a La- tin version of which has been published by M. Re- naudot. The thirteenth Palmyrene inscription gives us to understand, that the same religion, or religions, had been introduced at Tadmor, soon after the be- ginning of the second century. 4. As a similar (b) inscription still remains, or was very lately to be seen, near the well, or current of hot sulphureous waters, which undoubtedly con- stituted in antient times one of the hot sulphureous baths of Tadmor, it seems not improbable, that the waters of those baths were medicinal; and that by bathing themselves therein, or drinking them, the Palmyrenes were frequently cured of various distem- pers and indispositions. This, I say, appears at least not improbable, from the matter and situation of that inscription, in conjunction with those which I have here endeavoured to explain, and which had in all likelihood at first either the same or a similar situation. So that these inscriptions, every thing con- sidered, may be deemed mutually to support and illustrate one another. 5. From the word LABVNA, אַבְנָה, PRO PA- TRE NOSTRO, in the third line of the first in- scription, we may infer, that the second letter Aleph was either inadvertently omitted by the inscriber, or virtually contained in the first letter Lamed, or Lo- mad. For LABVNA must be rendered into Latin PRO PATRE NOSTRO, or simply PRO PA- --- (a) Euseb. Renaud. Liturgiar. Oriental. Collect. Tom. ii. p. 2. Parisii, 1716. (b) Edw. Bernard. Monument. Palmyren. p. 4. Philosoph. Transact. Vol. xix, N. 217, p. 109. TRE; the Syrians (a) and Arabs sometimes applying it in that sense as a title, or mark of distinction, to the Jacobite patriarchs, and probably others, as we learn from Al Makîn. Nay, it seems as natural to suppose, that the Syrians used the word ABVNA promiscuously for OVR FATHER, and FATHER; as that ABA, or ABBA, should have been admitted by them in two similar significations. Nor can the words ANTI ΠΑΤΡΟΣ, in the correspondent Greek inscription, possibly answer to any other word, in that I am considering, than LABVNA. This will suggest to us one or two curious observations, which I have not time at present so much as to touch upon. 6. The Syriac ΖΕΝΩΒΙΑ, ZENOBIA, is expressed by the Greek ZHNOBIOY; and consequently must be looked upon as a masculine proper name. But whether the same letters, amongst the Palmyrenes, formed the proper name of Zenobia, the famous queen or empress of that nation, I cannot yet take upon me to determine. 7. ACOBA, or ACABA, the city, as it should seem, to which ZENOBIVS, mentioned in the first inscription, did originally belong, might possibly have been the capital of Acabene, a province or district of Mesopotamia, a region separated from Palmyrene by the Euphrates. This district is placed by Ptolemy at no great distance from the Tigris; and its capital might have been called by the Palmyrene Greeks, in the third century, AKOΠΑ. But that this was really (a) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 8. Geor. Elmacin. Hist. Saracen. p. 144, 145, 151, 152, & alib. païs. the town the inscriber had in view, I must not presume positively to affirm. 8. From the first of these Palmyrene inscriptions, if the sixth line of it be exactly copied, and the Greek one answering to it, we may fairly collect, that the fourth day of the month Tebeth was coincident with the twenty-fourth of Aydynæus, the Macedonian month; and consequently that those two months were not precisely the same, as we find intimated (a) by Dr. Fabricius. The former of them began on the twenty-first day of the latter, if the authority of our inscription in this point may be entirely depended upon. Hence likewise it most evidently appears, that Tebeth was the name of a Syrian, as well as of an Hebrew, month. 9. Though the Palmyrene dialect be almost, in all respects, the same with the Syriac; yet it must be allowed, that some Hebrew words occur in these inscriptions. Of this נוּב, in the first and second, and נוּב, in the fifth, to omit other instances of the same kind, are incontestable proofs. For which we may easily account, if we consider, that many (b) Jews, as well as Christians, were settled in the territories of the Palmyrenes. 'Tis remarkable, that though the word אָבֶר, BAR, is used here for SON in the enumerations of descents; yet אָבֶר, according to the Syriac form, HIS CHILDREN, presents itself to our view towards the close of the thirteenth inscription. As to the word אָבֶר, it must be owned to be likewise of (a) Jo. Albert. Fabric. Menolog. p. 16, 42. Hamburgi, 1712. (b) Seller's Antiq. of Palmyr. Chap. xix. the Syriac form; and consequently not to have been improperly used by the Palmyrenes. The same may be said of the word יִתְרָא, apparently deducible from (a) אַרְתָר, FRATER; as the letters ה and ה are of the same organ, have frequently a pronunciation extremely similar, and were therefore undoubtedly often taken and used for one another. Unless we suppose, that the word was originally upon the stone יִתְרָא, which will bring it to the pure Syriac form; and this for various reasons, especially as that very term is exhibited by the third inscription, the most antient of all, in the very same sense, I am inclined to believe. 10. That the proper names ZABDIBOL, MILCOM, SALMON, NASA, and HIZA or CHITZA, in the second and thirteenth inscriptions, which have no Greek ones to answer them, are either of Syriac, Chaldee, or Hebrew extraction, from some of the (b) best oriental lexicographers most clearly appears. As for HIZA, or CHITZA, this must be allowed to be a pure Syriac word; though I remember not to have met with it as a proper name in any antient author. The second inscription bears date in the month Tisri, and the 533d year of the æra of Seleucus, or A.D. 222, soon after Alexander Severus had ascended the imperial throne. The thirteenth is 76 years older, having been drawn A.D. 136, in the reign of the emperor Hadrian, and about two years before the death of that prince. The altar on which the first appears inscribed was (a) Val. Schind. Lex. Pent. p. 54. Verf. Syr. in Gen. iv. 8, 21. (b) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. pass. Edm. Castel. Lex. Heptaglot. pass. erected in the year of Christ 233, in the month Tebeth, or Aydynæus, when Alexander Severus was engaged in the Parthian war. 'Tis observable, that the forms of some of the letters, and particularly that of the Jod, or Jud, in the third and thirteenth inscriptions, considerably differ from those of the same elements, that have been preserved by the others, which are of a later date. But notwithstanding this, that all the letters forming these Palmyrene inscriptions are to be deduced from the same source, will, I believe, be universally allowed. Inscription XII. See Plate xxv, Number XII. אמהחא בר תבלעקב בר נשה אמהלוסל בר והבלת AMTACHA FILIVS TEBELACABI FILII NASÆ AMTALEHSAL FILIVS VAHBALATHI. AMTACHA THE SON OF TEBELACAB, THE SON OF NASA; AMTALEHSAL THE SON OF VAHBALATH. January 17th, 1754. Inscription XI. See Plate xxv, Number xi. באלמיחל בר מוגיאתה מעזו בר והבלת BALMICHAL FILIVS MOGIATHATHI MAZO FILIVS VAHBALATHI. BALMICHAL THE SON OF MOGIATHATH, MAZO THE SON OF VAHBALATH. January 17th, 1754. Remarks on these Inscriptions. 1. They seem both to have been mutilated, tho' the eleventh has suffered more than the other; some of its letters being partly defaced, and partly deformed, by time. 2. That they consist of the proper names of men, connected by the word BAR, SON, is obvious to every one, who reads them. 3. That these men were persons of distinction, and filled some of the highest posts in the state, there is great reason to believe. 4. That the names themselves, as exhibited here, are of oriental extraction, tho' the reason of their imposition, at this distance of time, is not known, (a) can by no means be denied. 5. In the twelfth inscription, as well as the eleventh, tho' in the latter it is something deformed, the proper name VAHBALATH, or VABALATHVS, (which has also been preserved by coins) in the Palmyrene character, manifestly occurs. 6. That the dates of these inscriptions, if any were ever visible in them, must have been posterior to the 447th year of Seleucus, or the 136th of CHRIST, the forms of the letters themselves, and particularly that of the Jod, or Jud, evidently prove. (a) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 1048, 1220, 1050, 1959, 1960, 1372, &c. Inscription V. See Plate xxiv, Number v. SORS five PORTIO est HÆC SEPTIMII ÆRANÆ FILII ODÆNATHI SENATORIS CLARISSIMI ET VIRI PRIMARII civitatis TADMOR QVAM EI EREXIT AVRELIVS PHILINVVS FILIVS MARIVS PHILINI MILES EMERITVS IACVLATOR five PILANVS LEGIONIS PARTHICÆ HONORIS CAVSA MENSE TISRI ANNI DLXIII. THIS IS THE LOT, or PORTION, OF SEPTIMIVS ÆRANES, A MOST ILLVSTRIOVVS SENATOR, AND A PRINCIPAL PERSON IN THE CITY OF TADMOR; WHICH AVRELIVS PHILINVVS, THE SON OF MARIVS PHILINVVS, A VETERAN OF THE PARTHIAN LEGION, WHO HAD SERVED AS A LANCIER, ERECTED TO HIS HONOVR, IN THE MONTH TISRI OF THE YEAR DLXIII. February 2d, 1754. Inscription VII. See Plate xxiv, Number vii. SORS sive PORTIO est HÆC IVLII AVRELII SALMALATHI FILII MALÆ HEBRAEI PRINCIPIS vel DVCATORIS CATERVÆ Mercatorum QVAM STATVIT EI SENATVS POPVLVSQVE QVOD DOMVM REDVXIT CATERVAM Mercatorum DE RE FAMILIARI GRATIS eam SVSTENTANS ANNO DLXIX. THIS IS THE LOT, or PORTION, OF IVLIUS AVRELIVS SALMALATH, THE SON OF MALA, A JEW, PRINCE, CHIEF, or LEADER, OF THE CARAVAN of Merchants; WHICH THE SENATE AND PEOPLE HAVE DECREED HIM, BECAUSE HE CONDVCTED HOME THE CARAVAN, AND SUPPORTED IT AT HIS OWN EXPENCE, IN THE YEAR DLXIX. February 9th, 1754. Remarks on these Inscriptions. 1. From the words אירן, AIRAN, ODINATH, or ÆRAN, ODÆNATH, and אינ, together with the words ΑΙΠΑΝΗΝ ΟΔΑΙΝΑΘΟΥ, Η ΒΟΤΑΗ, in the correspondent Greek inscription, it plainly appears, that the letter Aleph, amongst the Palmyrenes, sometimes answered to A, sometimes to E, and sometimes to O, about the middle of the third century. 2. From the words סנאטוריס, SENATORIS, מרי פיליני, MARII PHILINI, אירלוס פילינוס, AVRELIVS PHILINVVS, &c. we may collect, that one of the Palmyrene terminations of Greek and Latin words in the oblique cases was Ν; but that the people of Tadmor, in the nominative case, when they wrote such words in their own character, generally preserved the Greek and Latin terminations. tions. See the eighth, ninth, and tenth of the Palmyrene inscriptions. 3. The proper name MALA, in the seventh inscription, seems to answer to MAΛHC, in the seventh of Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions; though the terminations of those words are not entirely the same. The proper names, or surnames, are also in like manner represented by CAΛMHC IAΔHC, as has been already observed. As for the name, or surname, SALCALATH, or SALMALATH, it only occurs in the seventh of Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions, which I have here been attempting to explain. 4. Though the dialect, in which the two inscriptions I am considering are written, be apparently the Syriac; yet the word IACVLATOR, in one of them, as has been already remarked, is undoubtedly Hebrew. As for BOΥΛΗ, ΒΟΥΛΗ, ΔHMOC, and CYΝΚΑHTIKA, or rather CYΝΚΑHTIKON, they are most evidently Greek. In one of these inscriptions, the word PRINCEPS, VIR PRIMARIVS, appears without either the or the ', inserted as the middle letter; which sometimes, tho' very rarely, happens. The word CATERVA, is applied to the Ishmaelites, as merchants, Gen. chap. xxxvii, ver. 25. in the Syriac version; which, with the word APΧΕΜΠΟΡΟΝ, exhibited by Mr. Dawkins's thirteenth Greek inscription, agreeing in signification with our plainly shews, that I have hit upon the true sense of that term here. The surname PHILINVVS and the name MARIVS are only visible in the fifth of these Palmyrene inscriptions; Mr. Dawkins's eleventh Greek one presenting nothing of that kind to our view, but ΑΤΡΗΑΙ :: :: :: and part of the word ΗΛΙΟΔΟΡΟΥ, if that be exactly taken. We may conclude, from the fifth Palmyrene inscription, that the people of Tadmor, if not the Syrians in general, when it was written, called Partia BATRA, or BATRIA; which in sound approaches pretty near to the BACTRIA of the antients. The name TADMOR, consisting of five letters, and not of four only, as has hitherto been generally, if not always, supposed, occurs in the same inscription. The two last words of the fourth line of the seventh have either not been so well preserved as the others, or not so accurately taken. They may nevertheless be read either EX SVO MARSPPIO, or GRATIS DE RE FAMILIARI; either of which lections is consonant enough to the tenor of the inscription. The latter, which I have chosen here, seems however to be better supported by the correspondent Greek inscription; as the Syriac exactly answers to the adverb ΠΡΟΙΚΑ there. Should the critics allow the words as they now appear upon the face of the inscription, to stand; the Syriac must be of the same import with the Hebrew PECVNIA, DIVITIAE, RES FAMILIARIS, &c. though it has for its middle letter Samech, instead of Schin. Nor indeed is this to be wondered at, as the Syrians sometimes used the former for the latter of those elements. That word, upon the foregoing supposition, suffers here an ellipsis of the particle ο BE; as is evident from Mr. Dawkins's thirteenth Greek inscription, with the fragments of which the seventh Palmyrene one extremely extremely well agrees. Such ellipses as this were antiently not uncommon, according to Noldius (a). 5. From the seventh inscription it appears not im- probable, that some eminent Jewish merchants, about the middle of the third century, resided at Tadmor. That inscription therefore may perhaps be allowed to support the authority of Photius; who has not scrupled to assert, that the famous Zenobia herself professed the Jewish religion (b). 6. From the two inscriptions now before us, and the others written in the same character, we may fairly infer, that the use of the Chaldee letters (be- tween which and the Palmyrene there is so surpriz- ing an affinity, that they may not improperly be con- sidered as the same) prevailed at Tadmor, and in all the neighbouring parts of Syria, that were at no great distance from the confines of Chaldæa, or Irak, in the first, second, and third centuries after Christ. For the oldest of them was drawn out in the month Elul, or September, and the year of Seleu- cus 360, nearly coincident with the 49th of Christ; the thirteenth of them in the month Nisan, or April, of the year of Seleucus 447, answering to the year of Christ 136; the fifth, that I have been just at- tempting to explain, in the month Tisri, and the year of Seleucus 563, or of Christ 252, when Tre- bonianus Gallus directed the Roman affairs; the seventh, that I have been likewise now endeavour- (a) Christian. Nold. Concordant. Particular. Étrusco-Chaldaic. sec. p. 164, &c. Jenæ, 1734. (b) Phot. Cod. 656, p. 1469, 1470. Rothomagi, 1653. ing to decipher, in the year of Seleucus 569, which corresponds with the 258th of the Christian era; and all the others, that bear any dates, in the same century. Neither the present Syrian letters therefore, nor the Mendæan or Nabathæan characters, seem to have been used by the Syrians bordering upon Irâk, during the three first centuries after CHRIST; nor consequently in any other interval whatsoever preceding the commencement of that period. So that these inscriptions may, with sufficient propriety, be considered in the light of manuscripts, written in the Chaldee or Hebrew character, 1500, 1600, and even 1700 years old. 7. With regard to the numeral characters, exhibited both by the inscriptions at present in view, and the others transmitted down to us in the Palmyrene language, it may not be improper to observe, that the letter Ajin, or at least a character similar to it, in the first place, annexed to a sort of mark or sign of an unusual form, sometimes denoting Ten, stands for 500, and in the last place alone for the number Five. The Palmyrene Pe, which resembles the figure 3, represents the number Twenty; and unity is expressed by the Pelasgic or Attic character I, which was likewise antiently used by the Romans. Hence it appears, that this kind of notation was undoubtedly very antient in the East; and might possibly have prevailed amongst the Syrians, seated not far from the frontiers of Arabia and Irâk, and even amongst the Arabs and Chaldæans themselves, several centuries before the birth of CHRIST; though from whence the Syrians first received it, or how they came first to to hit upon it themselves, I have not yet been able to discover. To the preceding remarks many others might have been added, relating to the history of Tadmor, as well as to the genius, government, customs, religion, language, &c. of the inhabitants of that once most flourishing city. But, as I intend hereafter, when I can find a little relaxation from the business, in which I am at present engaged, if it shall please God to grant me health, to publish a dissertation upon the inscriptions transmitted down to us in the Palmyrene character, and to consider every thing material deducible from them in a proper manner; I have here only attempted a bare translation of the major part of them, and laid down a few cursory remarks, which upon my first perusal of them occurred, in order a little to support and illustrate that translation. Besides, a minute discussion of all the abovementioned particulars would have swelled this paper greatly beyond the bounds of a letter; whereas my present intention is, only to submit a few memoirs relating to these celebrated monuments of antiquity to the judgment of our most learned and illustrious Society; that by this means my design may in some measure transpire, and come to the knowledge of at least the most discerning part of the public. I shall offer no apology for the trouble now given you, Sir, as I was informed that a sight of these memoirs would not be unacceptable to you. In the mean time, you will permit me only to add, that I must acknowledge myself obliged to the Reverend and very Learned Mr. Sanford, Fellow of Balliol College, as well as to Mr. Godwyn, for many valuable valuable hints, from time to time communicated to me; and that I am, with the most perfect esteem, SIR, Your most obedient humble servant, John Swinton. LETTER II. Reverend Sir, Christ-Church, Oxford, June 27, 1754. Read July 5, 1754. THE favourable reception, which my last letter met with from the Royal Society, has encouraged me to trouble you with another upon the same subject; and to send you a Latin and English version of Mr. Dawkins's three remaining Palmyrene inscriptions, attended by such short remarks, as were drawn up in order a little to illustrate and explain the former. And this I have been the more readily induced to do, as I have, I think, since discovered more fully the true notation of the Palmyrenes, at least from UNITY to a THOUSAND, and am thereby enabled to correct one or two slight errors, which had before escaped me. I shall therefore, without any farther preface or introduction, immediately proceed to the point in view, and consider the three inscriptions now before me, in the same manner I did the preceding ones; especially, as I have had the pleasure to find, that the method by me formerly observed did not prove unacceptable to so considerable a part of the learned. Inscription Inscription IV. See Plate xxiv, Number iv. SORS five PORTIO IVLII AVRELII ZABDILÆ FILII MALCHI FILII MALCHI FILII NASSVMI QVI IPSE DVCTOR EXERCITVS COLONIAE IN ADVENTV DEI ALEXANDRI CÆSARIS ET MINISTER IVXTA SVF-FICIENTIAM ET PERENNITATEM (i.e. DIGNVS ET PERPETVVS LEGATVS) RVTILII CRISPINI PRÆ-FECTI ET CHILIADVM (COPIARVM vel VEXILLATIONVM) AMANDATARVM (vel DEDVCTARVM) IN IVDICEM (i.e. IVDEX five QVÆSTOR) ET DE PECV-LIO SVO (feu RE FAMILIARI) iis DONAVIT ET REPO-SITO frumento PROSPEXIT ET PLVRIMA TRIBVTA CVRAVIT ET PRÆCLARE REM EGIT SECVNDVM DONA (five PLENA MANV) PROVT hæc TESTATVS EST EI DEVVS IARIBOLVS ET IVLIVS (PHILIPPVS) ETIAM (vel PROPTER HÆC A DEO IARIBOLO ET IVLIO (PHILIPPO) ITIDEM CONFIRMATA atque COMPROBATA) QVI DIGNVS ET EXCELSVS eft DO-MINVS QVAM EI POSVIT SENATUS POPVLVSQVE HONORIS CAVSA ANNO DLIV. THE LOT, or PORTION, OF IVLIUS AVRELIVS ZABDILA, THE SON OF MALCHVS, THE SON OF MALCHVS, THE SON OF NASSVM, WHO WAS COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE COLONY'S FORCES, WHEN THE GOD ALEXANDER CÆSAR ARRIVED HERE, AND THE WORTHY AND PERPETUAL LIEUTENANT OF RVTILIVS CRISPINVS THE PRÆFECT, AND JUDGE, or QVÆSTOR, OF THE AVXILIARY TROOPS, WHOM HE SUPPORTED AT HIS OWN EXPENCE, AND WAS THEIR PURVEYOR, AND RECEIVED THE TRIBUTE, AND PRESIDED WITH GREAT PRUDENCE AND GENEROSITY; FOR THESE SERVICES, AS ATTESTED BY THE GOD IARIBOLVS AND THE EXCELLENT LORD IVLIUS (PHILIPPVS), THE SENATE AND PEOPLE HAVE ERECTED THIS TO HIS HONOUR, IN THE YEAR DLIV. February 16th, 1754. Inscription VI. See Plate xxiv, Number vi. SENATVS POPVLVSQVE IVLIO AVRELIO FILIO ODÆNATHI MADDÆ (vel MATTHÆ) SELEVCO FILIO: ET SEEILADIO IIS SERVIENTI seu MINISTRANTI et BENE SE GERENTI NEC NON DVCITORI EXERCITVS IPSI A SENATV HONESTATO (vel CVM IPSO EXIMIO EXERCITVS DVCTORE SENATVS POPVLIQUE PALMYRENI) SPONTE DONAVIT (i.e. DECREVIT) HONORIS CAVSA MENSE TISRI ANNI DLXVI. THE SENATE AND PEOPLE HAVE VOLUNTARILY GIVEN, or DECREED, these TO IVLIVS AVRELIVS, THE SON OF ODÆNATHVS; MADDA, or MATTHA, SELEVCVS, THE SON OF :::::::; AND SEEILADIVS, WHO SERVED THEM WELL; AS ALSO TO THE GENERAL, HONOURED BY THE SENATE ::::::: (or TOGETHER WITH THE RENOWNED GENERAL OF THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF TADMOR) IN ORDER TO DO THEM HONOVR, IN THE MONTH TISRI OF THE YEAR DLXVI. February 21st, 1754. Inscription III. See Plate xxiv, Number iii. MENSE ELVL ANNI CCCLX DONVM HOC ATQUE ARA :::: BADI AMRISAMSÆ ET ZEBIDÆ FILIORVM MALCHI FILII IARIBOLIS FILII NASÆ REPOSITA five DONARIA MADDÆ seu MATTHÆ FILII ABDEBALIS QVOD CVM ÆDIFICIVM COLLAPSVRVM TIMERET SERVVS EIVS ASCENDENS PATREM SVVM SERA vel PESSVLO CLAVSVM ABSTVLIT ET PROPTER SALVTEM EORVM ET SALVTEM FRATRIS EIVS ET LIBERORVM SVORVM. IN THE MONTH ELVL OF THE YEAR CCCLX, THIS GIFT AND ALTAR WERE PLACED here BY ::::: BADVS, AMRIO'L SHEMS, AND ZEBIDA, THE SONS OF MALCHVS, THE SON OF IARIBOL, THE SON OF NASA: RICH PRESENTS, or OFFERINGS, were likewise placed on or near the Altar BY MADDA, or MATTHA, THE SON OF ABDEBAL, BECAUSE THAT, WHEN HE WAS AFRAID OF A HOUSE FALLING, A SERVANT OF HIS WENT *VP, AND CARRIED OFF HIS FATHER, WHO WAS LOCKED, or BOLTED, IN; AND FOR THEIR SAFETY, HEALTH, or PRESERVATION, AS WELL AS FOR THE SAFETY, HEALTH, or PRESERVATION, OF HIS BROTHER, AND THEIR CHILDREN. February 25th, 1754. Remarks on these Inscriptions. 1. It may be proper to observe here, that I have adhered as closely to the original Palmyrene, in my Latin version of these three last inscriptions, which are much more abstruse than the others, as the genius of the Latin language would permit; though I have taken greater liberties in the English translation, in order to render them more intelligible to the generality of our English readers. 2. The fourth inscription has been in the main extremely well preserved, and discovers more of the true turn and genius of the Palmyrene dialect, than any of the others. Of this אָבִי אֲדֹנֵי, IN ADVENTIV, though it varies from the pure Syriac form; יְהוּדָה אֲדֹנֵי, IVXTA SVFFICIENTIAM ET PERENNITATEM, an idiom that sufficiently points out to us the nature of the language spoken * See Dr. Shaw's Travels, p. 276. by the Palmyrenes; חיליאדס, CHILIADES, for so it ought to be read, a word that seems peculiar to that language, though apparently of Hebrew or Syriac extraction; דֶּה פֶּכְוָליו, DE PECVLIO; תִּרְבְּוַתא מְוָלְתא מְוָלְתא, i.e. TRIBVTA PLVRIMA; סְכֵנְדְוָם דוֹנָא, SECVNDVM DONA, i.e. PLENA MANV; דְּמוֹנָו, DOMINVS; to omit other instances that might be produced, are indubitable proofs. The words IVLIVS, AVRELIVS, COLONIA, CÆSAR, CRISPINVVS, ΗΓΕΜΟΝΑ, ΔΗΜΟC, ΒΟΥΛΗ, and ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟC discover at first sight the sources from whence they are to be deduced. The last of those words has been a little injured by time, several of the forms of its letters being considerably altered. The third and fourth elements of the fifth line of this inscription, as well as the second, third, twenty-second, and twenty-eighth (Thau and Nun in the Palmyrene alphabet being extremely similar) of the fourth, have likewise met with the same fate; to all which I have endeavoured to restore their primitive powers and forms. In fine, this inscription may be considered as a tolerable good specimen of the language or dialect of the Palmyrenes (a). 3. The words בֶּר מַלְכוּ בֶּר מַלְכוּ, BAR MALCHV BAR MALCHV, in the beginning of this inscription, evidently confirm the ingenious conjecture of the learned Mr. William Baxter, mentioned by Dr. Halley; according to which, ΔΙΣΜΑΛΧΟΤ, in the correspondent Greek inscription, (a) Vid. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. & Castel. Lex. Heptaglot. was inserted there instead of ΜΑΛΧΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΛΧΟΥ. They at the same time most clearly evince, notwithstanding what has been advanced to the contrary by Dr. Bernard and Dr. Smith, that the word ΔΙΣΜΑΛΧΟΥ is not of oriental extraction. 4. The surname PHILIPPVS, which ought to have followed IVLIVS, in the seventh line of this inscription, does not appear; though a chasm, or vacant space, capable of containing a word of that size, presents itself there to our view. This, in conjunction with the parallel chasm, exhibited by the Greek inscription, expressing much of the sense of the Palmyrene one I am considering, amounts, in my opinion, to an almost irrefragable proof, that this surname, as our great Dr. Halley formerly supposed, was, after Philip's treason to the emperor Gordian came to light, purposely effaced. 5. The last letter but one of the sixth line of our Palmyrene inscription seems to resemble Daleth or Resch, whereas it was undoubtedly designed at first for Ajin; so that the name to which it belongs ought to be written in Hebrew or Chaldee letters יַרְבָּאֵל, IAREHBAAL, IARIHBAL, or IARIBOL, i.e. DOMINVS LVNVS. From whence we may certainly infer, as Dr. Halley has observed, that this deity was the DEVS LVNVS worshiped by the antient Syrians. I have therefore taken the liberty to restore the true reading here, by converting the Daleth or Resch into Ajin; as also to insert the word בַּר, BAR, FILIVS, notwithstanding it has probably for many ages disappeared, as the last in the first line of the inscription. 6. The numeral characters preserved at the end of this inscription merit the particular attention of the the learned. From them, in conjunction with the numeral letters still visible in the Greek one answering to it, we may certainly conclude, that the unusual mark, formerly mentioned, alone properly denotes Ten, and with unity prefixed an Hundred. This observation will enable me to correct one or two small errors, in the dates before assigned the second and tenth Palmyrene inscriptions. The former was drawn in the year of Seleucus 533, not 523, as I then imagined; and the latter in 574, not 564, as I ventured to assert. In fine, by the sole assistance of these characters, and those of the fifth and seventh Palmyrene inscriptions, as explained by the correspondent Greek numeral letters, I have constructed the following table of numbers, from Unity to a Thousand, according to the true and genuine notation of the Palmyrenes. **PALMYRENE Numerals from One to a Thousand.** | CLX | 333 | C | 1 | |-----|-----|---|---| | CLXX | 333 | CI | 11 | | CLXXX | 3333 | CII | 111 | | CXC | 3333 | CIII | 1111 | | CC | 22 | CIV | 1111 | | CCC | 333 | CV | 111 | | CCCC | 444 | CVI | 111 | | D | 5 | CVII | 111 | | DC | 55 | CVIII | 1111 | | DCC | 555 | CIX | 1111 | | DCCC | 5555 | CX | 1111 | | DCCCC | 55555 | CXX | 11111 | | M | 1000 | CXXX | 11111 | | CL | 33 | L | 33 | | CXL | 33 | LXX | 333 | | CL | 33 | XC | 3333 | Hence Hence it appears, that the antient Palmyrenes, in this part of their notation, used only four numeral characters; two of which were letters of their alphabet, or at least a sort of marks endued with similar forms. So that this kind of notation might have prevailed amongst them several centuries before the commencement of the Christian era. For we learn from (a) Diodorus Siculus, that the Arabs of Petra, or Al Hejr, on the confines of the desarts of Syria, and at no very great distance from the borders of Irâk, used the very same letters with those of the neighbouring Syrians, and therefore probably of the people of Tadmor, 314 years before the birth of CHRIST. This gives us some reason to believe, considering the situation of the aforesaid Arabs, that these letters could not have been very different from those, which three or four centuries afterwards formed the alphabet of the Palmyrenes. 7. It ought to be observed, that the fourth inscription is dated in the year of Seleucus 554, nearly coincident with the year of CHRIST 243, towards the close of Gordian's reign; and consequently before Philip's elevation to the imperial throne. This may be fairly collected from the ninth of Mr. Dawkins's Greek inscriptions, as well as from that drawn in the language of the Palmyrenes, which I have here been endeavouring to explain. From hence likewise it seems plainly enough to appear, that the emperor Alexander Severus himself was at Tadmor in the (a) Diod. Sic. Bibliothec. Historic. Lib. xix. p. 723. Edit. Rhodoman. Hanoviae, 1604. year of our Lord 233; when he marched against Artaxerxes, king of Persia, overthrew him with great slaughter, and forced him, after he had raised the siege of Nisibis, to retire with shame into his own dominions. 8. I have taken the liberty to convert the sixth letter in the second line of the sixth inscription, which seems to resemble Mem or Kopb, into Nun; as ADINATH, or ODÆNATHVS, was the proper name of several great personages at Tadmor; whereas we have little reason to think, that such a proper name as ADIMATH, ADICATH, ARIMATH, or ARICATH, was ever known amongst the Palmyrenes. 9. The word MADA, or MADDA, seems to be the same proper name with MAΘΘA, or MATTHA, that occurs in the fifth of Dr. Bernard's Greek inscriptions. 10. That the three words following ACTPATHIΑ, in the fourth line of this inscription (however disfigured or defaced by time, or inaccurately taken) were originally what I have made them, is rendered probable by the mutilated words MAPΤΤΡΗΘΕΝ..., TEIMHCAMEN..., and BOΤΑΗ..., exhibited, as well as the proper names ΣΕΛΕΤΚΟΝ and ΣΕΕΙΛΑΔΤΥ:..., by the correspondent Greek inscription. 11. With regard to the words ΠΡΩΠΟΝ, which likewise present themselves to our view in the fifth inscription, they cannot well admit of any other sense, than that which I have assigned them. However, as they can receive no manner of illustration from the fragments of the correspondent Greek one, I only offer this, as what appears to me at present the most probable; especially, as the inscription I am consider- ing seems to have suffered more from the injuries of time, than most of the others, which I have here been endeavouring to explain. 12. The date of this inscription falls in with the year of Seleucus 566, which nearly coincides with the 255th of Christ, about two years after Valerian was fixed upon the imperial throne. 13. With regard to the third inscription, I shall first beg leave to remark, that in the age, in which it was written, the Palmyrenes seem to have been extremely fond of the letter Vau. This may be clearly evinced from the words חירזא and חירזא, written two hundred years afterwards חירזא and חירזא or חירזא, which appear towards the close of the inscription. Nor will this be any matter of surprize, when it is considered, that the Jews, whose language was then the Syriac, sometimes used the epenthetic Vau, or a letter equivalent to it, a little before the year in which our inscription was drawn; as we may infer from the words ELOI, ELOI, instead of the Hebrew ELI, ELI, spoken by our Saviour upon the cross, just before he expired. That the mutilated letter beginning the eighth line of this inscription was originally an Aleph, and that the word to which it belongs is to be deduced from the root חירזא, or חירזא, notwithstanding the epenthetic חירזא, from whence, in the conjugation אפל, is formed אפל, or אפל, if the natural and genuine sense of the passage be duly attended to, cannot, I think, be well denied (a). (a) Pasor. Lexic. p. 652. Ed. Schoettgen. Lipsiae, 1717. Schind. ubi sup. p. 54. Buxtorf. Gram. Chald. et Syr. p. 36. Balileæ, 1615. 14. The first word of the second line here, which has been injured by time, was not improbably or INFIXVM, ERECTVM, or COLLOCATVM EST; WAS FIXED, ERECTED, or PLACED; as the sense of this part of the inscription requires either that term, or one of a similar signification. The chasm at the end of the seventh line I shall not take upon me to fill up; tho' several words might be offered for this purpose, which would connect those that precede and follow them, with very great propriety. That the stone containing the inscription belonged formerly to an altar, is abundantly manifest from the word ET ARA or ALTARE, towards the close of the second line. Nor are we to be surprized, that several persons are mentioned here, as concerned in the erection of it; since a similar instance, if not one exactly parallel, presents itself to our view, in the second of Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions. The first proper name, being imperfect, cannot so easily be made out; but the second I take to be OMRIBOL SHEMS, or OMRIB OL SHEMS; which a pure and genuine Arab would have wrote AMRIO'L SHEMS, or AMRI AL SHEMS, and a Greek AMPICAMCOT. For, that this was one of the Palmyrene proper names, we learn from the fourth of Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions; which exhibits it connected with IARIBOL, or IARIBOLIS, almost in the same manner as the monument at present under consideration. And this circumstance ought to be looked upon as an additional argument, in favour of what is here advanced. The next word ZEBID, or ZEBIDA, is likewise undoubtedly a Palmyrene proper name; as most evidently appears from the thirteenth of the aforesaid inscriptions. The following term ΒΕΝΒ, or BANV (agreeing with the Arabic) FILIORVM, relates to all the persons before-mentioned. MALCHVS, IARIBOL, or IARIBOLIS, NASA, and MATTHA, are proper names of men, that occur in other Palmyrene inscriptions. That the word ABDEBAL, i.e. THE SERVANT OF BAL, or BAAL, applied to MATTHA's father here as his proper name, savours very strongly of the East, particularly of Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, where such proper names as these were frequently assumed, is too clear and obvious a point to stand in need of any proof. 15. From the date prefixed to this inscription we may conclude, that it is older than any of the others, handed down to us in the Palmyrene language and character, which have been hitherto published. For it is dated in the year of Seleucus 360, and consequently was preceded by the commencement of the Christian era only 49 years, when the emperor Claudius presided over the Roman world. 16. From the last observation we may collect, that one at least of the inscriptions, in the long portico, still preserved amongst the ruins of Tadmor, is prior to the reign of the emperor Hadrian; though our celebrated Dr. Halley, who had not seen this, which I have now attempted to explain, took for granted, that all of them were posterior to the commencement of that reign. 17. It has been thought proper here to add to the plate of Mr. Dawkins's inscriptions, in the Palmyrene language and character, the two other plates, containing the Greek ones, with which he has favoured the public. public. For, tho' few of the latter directly correspond with the former; yet, by the affinity between several of the proper names, and the manner of expression, wherein they apparently agree, to omit other circumstances that occur, they greatly contribute to explain and illustrate one another. Several other remarks on these noble remains of antiquity might here have been offered, and expatiated upon; which, for the reasons already assigned, I must beg leave at present to supersede. In the mean time, you will please to accept of my most grateful acknowledgments for the favour done me, and believe me to be, with all due sentiments of respect, SIR, Your most obliged, and most obedient servant, J. Swinton. LETTER III. Reverend Sir, Christ-Church, Oxford, Sept. 2, 1754. Read Nov. 7, 1754. As the Royal Society have done me the honour to approve of my attempts to explain Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions, handed down to us in the antient Chaldee, or Syriac, character; I have been thereby encouraged, before I conclude what I have to offer on that subject, to submit to their superior judgment the following additional observations. 1. Though my numeral table, from Unity to a Thousand, may be intirely depended upon; yet I cannot, with the same certainty, extend this to the higher numbers. numbers. However, as the Palmyrenes had no particular numeral character for an Hundred, as had the (1) Greeks and the Romans; from thence I conclude it probable, that they by no means expressed a Thousand by any such character. If this be admitted, the following table of higher numbers may likewise be considered by the learned, as consonant to the true and genuine notation of the Palmyrenes. | PALMYRENE Numerals from a Thousand to a Thousand Millions | |----------------------------------------------------------| | 1000 | M | | 2000 | MM | | 3000 | MMM | | 4000 | MMMM | | 5000 | CCI | | 6000 | CCII | | 7000 | CCIII | | 8000 | CCIV | | 9000 | CCV | | 10000 | CCVI | | 100000 | CCCI | | 1000000 | CCCII | | 10000000 | CCCIII | | 100000000 | CCCIV | (1) Herodian. ab Hen. Stephan. & Joh. Scapul. ad Lexic. Graec. salcem edit. Sertor. Urfat. De not. Romanor. Johannis Wall. Opera mathematica. Vol. prim. c. viii. p. 43—46. Oxon. 1695. This series, or manner of numeral expression, if agreeable to the learned, may with the same facility be continued ad infinitum. 2. The Palmyrene names of five of the twelve months occur in our inscriptions. These are Pellul, Tebeth, Nisan, Elul, and Tisri. To which we may add from a Palmyrene inscription, published by (2) M. Spon, and others, that of a sixth, viz. Shabat, or Shabat, which has been applied to one of the Syrian Months by some of the most celebrated (3) chronologers. These names point out to us six months answering, in some respects at least, if not entirely, to the Syro-Macedonian months, Apelleus, Aydynæus, Xanthicus, Gorpiæus, Hyperberæus, and Peritius; as most evidently appears from what has been observed by the (4) learned Dr. Fabricius, and the correspondent Greek inscriptions. But notwithstanding the agreement here mentioned, that they did not however exactly coincide with the Syro-Macedonian months, we may perhaps be allowed to infer from the (5) first of Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions; which seems to intimate, that the fourth day of Tebeth was the twenty-fourth of Aydynæus, and consequently that the former began the twenty-first day of the latter month. And that this Palmyrene inscription has (2) Jacob. Spon. Miscellan. Erudit. Antiquitat. p. 1. Lugduni, 1685. Joan. Polen. Utriusq. Thefaur. Ant. Rom. & Græc. Nov. Supplement. Vol. IV. p. 407, 650. Venetis, 1737. Montfauc. L'Antiquité Expliquée, Tom. II. par. ii. p. 391. A Paris, 1719. (3) Scalig. De Emendat. Tempor. p. 95, 350. Guliel. Bevereg. Institut. Chronologic. p. 71. Lond. 1716. Jo. Albert. Fabric. Menolog. p. 20. Hamburgi, 1712. (4) Jo. Albert. Fabric. ubi sup. p. 20, 44. (5) Dawk. Marmor. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. I, 8. been rightly taken in the part under consideration, may appear probable from hence, that the word אָרֶב, or אָרֶב, in the plural number, seems to be naturally connected with the numeral Four, and occurs (6) actually connected with that numeral in the Old Testament. Unless it should be said, that what now appears upon the face of the inscription as the last letter Nun was originally, though altered by time, the Palmyrene numeral character expressing Twenty; to which indeed at present it is not much unlike. Which if we admit, the word אָרֶב, in the singular number, must be allowed to have a connection here with the numeral Twenty-four. Nor are similar instances of such a connection difficult to be found. Nay, the very expression יְמֵי עֲרֵבוֹת אִבְרַת, DIE VICESIMO QVARTO, ON THE TWENTY-FOURTH DAY, presents itself to our view HAG. i. 15. From whence some persons will be apt to conclude, that nothing can be more just than the emendation here proposed. It may not be improper to observe, that the Palmyrene inscription published by Gruter and M. Spon, has (7) been preserved on a marble, that formerly remained in the gardens belonging to Cardinal Carpegna, and afterwards in those of the Princes Justiniani, near St. John Lateran, at Rome. I shall take the liberty to insert here the Syrian, or Syro-Chaldaean, and Syro-Macedonian names of the aforesaid months, in order the more clearly to point out the difference between them and those of the Palmyrenes. (6) Jud. xi. 40. (7) Montfauc. L'Antiquité Expliquée, Tom. II. par. ii. p. 391. A Paris, 1719. Syro-Chaldaean names. Syro-Macedonian names. Palmyrene names. Canun prior. Apellæus. Pellul. Canun posterior. Aydynæus. Tebeth. Shebat. Peritius. Shebat. Nisan. Xanthicus. Nisan. Eilul. Gorpiæus. Elul. Tifri. Hyperberetæus. Tifri. By the names Tebeth and Elul it should seem, that the proper Syrians did not approach so near the Jews, in the appellations of their months, as did the Palmyrenes. 3. In order to set in a clearer light what has been here observed of the last-mentioned inscription, I have been persuaded by the Reverend and very Learned Mr. Sanford, Fellow of Balliol College, to attempt an explication of it; which I now beg leave to submit to the judgment of our most illustrious Society. Nor shall I be greatly censured, as the forms of the letters, of which it is composed, have undoubtedly been altered by time; and as none of the copies of it, that I have seen, have been exactly taken; if this in all points should not be strictly conformable to truth. All of those letters, as exhibited by the copies now before me, are not easily reducible to the correspondent elements in Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene alphabet, by the assistance of which I have endeavoured to decipher this inscription. However, as no small assistance has likewise been afforded me by the Greek one answering to it, and the numeral characters at the end of it, as well as by the second, third, and thirteenth, of Mr. Dawkins's Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions, on which my conjectures have already been offered; I hope the following interpretation of it (which yet I would have only considered as an imperfect essay) will not prove unacceptable to the learned. The Palmyrene Inscription published by Gruter and M. Spon. See Plate xxx, Number 1. AGLIBOLO ET MALACHBELO ET MONVMEN-TVM ELEVATVM (five SIGNVM) ARGENTI ET OR-NATVM EIVS PARAVIT EX MARSVPIO SVO IA-RHÆVS (vel IARÆVS) FILIVS HALIBÆI (vel CHALIBÆI) FILII IARHÆI (vel IARÆI) PROPTER OFFICIVM (five RELIGIONEM) TIMORIS (i.e. EX VOTO A IARÆO IN ALIQVO PERICVLO CONSTITVTTO ET TIMORE PERTERRITO FACTO) ET OB SALVTEM SVAM ET SALVTEM LIBERORVM (vel FAMILIÆ) EIVS MENSE SHEBAT ANNI DXLVII. IARÆVS THE SON OF HALIBÆVS, or CHALIBÆVS, THE SON OF IARÆVS, DEDICATED THIS ELEVATED MONUMENT OF SILVER, AND ITS ORNAMENTS, PREPARED AT HIS OWN EXPENCE, TO AGLIBOLVS AND MALACHBELVS, IN CONSEQUENCE OF A VOW HE HAD MADE, WHEN IN GREAT FEAR AND DANGER, AND FOR THE SAFETY, HEALTH, HEALTH, or PRESERVATION, OF HIMSELF AND HIS FAMILY, IN THE MONTH SHEBAT OF THE YEAR DXLVII. 4. That the letter נ, (8) in Hebrew, Syriac, Chaldee, and Phœnician words, sometimes answered to the elements CH, or KH, sometimes to H, and at other times was quiescent, or endued with no power at all, we may fairly infer from several instances produced on this head by the famous M. Bochart. From whence I shall not scruple to conclude, that the Palmyrene proper names of men in this inscription may be written in Latin either IARHÆVS, HALIBÆVS, and IARHÆVS; or IARÆVS, CHALIBÆVS, and IARÆVS: which if we admit, the first and last of them are the very same with one of those, that occur in the (9) seventh of Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions; and the other one very well known in the neighbourhood of Tadmor. The last point is clearly evinced by the word CHALEB, CHALIB, CHALIBON, or CHALYBON, the name of a city at no great distance from Tadmor, which has been mentioned by the (10) prophet Ezekiel, Ptolemy, and Strabo. 5. That the language of this inscription is the same, with that of the others copied by Mr. Dawkins, and consequently little different from the pure Syriac, (8) Boch. Phal. Lib. III. c. xiv. p. 220. Chan. Lib. I. c. xxii. p. 502. c. xliv. p. 765. & alib. paß. (9) Edward. Bernard. Monument. Palmyren. Inscript. vii. p. 4. Rotterædami, 1716. (10) Ezek. xxvii. 18. Ptol. Geogr. Lib. v. c. 15. Strab. Geogr. Lib. xv. will at first sight appear to every one, who has been in the least conversant with that dialect. However, that it contains one or two slight variations from the pure Syriac, cannot well be denied; since the words בְּרִיל שֶׁמֶשׁ, for בְּרִיל שֶׁמֶשׁ, if rightly taken in Father Montfaucon's copy, which I have followed here, may not improperly be considered in the light of such variations. 6. It appears from the matter of the inscription now before us, that IARÆVS dedicated the monument therein mentioned to AGLIBOLVS and MALACHBELVS, the two most celebrated Palmyrene deities, in order to perform a vow he had made, when in great fear, and apprehensive of some imminent danger; as likewise in order to avert both from himself, and his family, all future evils and dangers. The Palmyrene words therefore preserved on the stone, that exhibits them, confirm what has been suggested by (11) M. Spon (which is not clearly deducible from the Greek words answering to them) in relation to the end, or design, of IARÆVS's dedication of the monument pointed out to us by this inscription. 7. With regard to Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions, that indicate altars, or other votive monuments, to have been erected either on account of deliverances from some impending dangers, in consequence of vows formerly made; or for the preservation of the persons therein mentioned from future evils; nothing uncommon or extraordinary appears in them. Such inscriptions as these were not only (11) Jacob. Spon. ubi sup. p. 2. sometimes drawn out by the Palmyrenes, as is abundantly evident from the third of (12) Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions, as well as that I am here considering, and another published by (13) M. Spon; but likewise extremely common both amongst the Greeks and Romans. In support of which assertion a multitude of instances might be produced, did it stand in the least need of them. But, as this is not the case, it will be sufficient to refer the curious, for their farther satisfaction in this particular, (14) to the authors cited here. 8. As for the honorary inscriptions, such as are exhibited by some of the Palmyrene marbles, inspected by Mr. Dawkins, they were still, if possible, more common than the others, both amongst the Greeks, the Romans, and the Palmyrenes. So common indeed, that whole volumes might be collected of them. Nay, many might judge too prolix a bare enumeration of even the names of all those writers; though I shall take the liberty to mention (15) some of them here, who have published and attempted to explain them. (12) Edw. Bernard. Monument. Palmyren. Inscrip. III. p. 2. (13) Jac. Spon. ubi sup. p. 3. (14) Gruter. & Reinef. pass. Baudelot. De Util. Peregrin. in Diis Larib. Spon. ubi sup. p. 4. Prid. Marm. Oxonienf. p. 282, 287. Oxon. 1676. Raph. Fabret. pass. Joan. Oliv. Rhodigin, in Marm. Iiac. Exercitat. C. iv. p. 23—33. & C. x. p. 70—82. Romæ, 1719. Lud. Ant. Murator. in Nov. Thefaur. Vet. Inscrip. Mediolani, 1739, 1740, 1742. Marmor. Taurinens. Augustæ Taurinorum, 1743, 1747. (15) Gruter. Reinef. Prid. Raph. Fabret. Edw. Bernard. Monument. Palmyren. Seller's Append. to the Antiquit. of Palmyr. Lud. Ant. Murator, ubi sup. Marmor. Taurinens. &c. 9. Three Palmyrene names of Syrian deities occur in Mr. Dawkins's inscriptions, and that I am at present endeavouring to decipher; viz. IARIBOLVS, AGLIBOLVS, and MALACHBELVS of which the first points out to us the Moon, and the other two, according to some very learned writers, the Sun. That the first name was antiently applied by the Syrians and Palmyrenes to the Deus Lunus, or the Moon, is allowed on all hands; and has (17) been so clearly demonstrated, that it does not stand in need of any farther proof. And that AGLIBOLVS, or AGLIBOL, was in early times one of the Syrian names of the Sun, who was dignified by his adorers with the title of MALAC, or MALEC, KING, is, I conceive, plain from hence, that the word (18) AGLIBAL, or AGLIBOL, apparently signifies THE ROVND LORD; which appellation could not so properly and emphatically have been applied to any other pagan divinity, as the sun. The people of Tadmor wrote the last word in the composition of this name באל, Baal, בל, Bal, or Bel, and בול, Bol, Bul, or Pul; as may be inferred from some of Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene (19) inscriptions, in conjunction with that I am now considering, (16) Jan. Gruter. Corp. Inscript. ex Recens. et Annotat. Joan. Georg. Graev. p. lxxxvi. Amstelædami, 1707. Joan. Selden. De Diis Syr. p. 226. Lipsiæ, 1668. Bochart. Chan. Lib. II. c. viii. p. 811. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1681. (17) Edw. Bernard. Schol ad Monument. Palmyren. p. 21. Tho. Smith. Annotat. in Monument. Palmyren. p. 53. Rotterædami, 1716. Cl. Halleius in Act. Philosop. Anglican. Vol. xix. n. 218. p. 171. (18) Bochart. ubi sup. (19) Dawk. Marm. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. iv, 9. l. 6. Inscript. Palmyren. iii. l. 5. which has been published both by Gruter and M. Spon. I have taken no notice of the name IVPITER BELVS, though it occurs in the seventh of Dr. Bernard's Greek Palmyrene inscriptions; because that name, however the deity, to whom it appertained, might have been reverenced by them, did not properly belong to the Palmyrenes. 10. It has been remarked by (20) Mr. Seller, and may be collected from some of the (21) Palmyrene inscriptions themselves, that several of the most eminent citizens of Tadmor had both Syriac and Roman names. To which I would beg leave to add, that some of their assumed surnames seem to be deducible from the Greek language also; the words PHILINVS, SELEVCVS, &c. that occur in the fifth; sixth, &c. of Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions, being apparently such surnames. And this is farther confirmed by the Palmyrene words now before me, and the correspondent Greek inscription; in the former of which the Palmyrene, whose memory has been perpetuated by the monument I am at present considering, is called IARHÆVS, or IARÆVS, and in the latter, T. AVRELIVS HELIODORVS. But, for a more particular account of the different appellations of the Palmyrenes, I must refer the curious to the writer (22) last mentioned here. (20) Seller's Append. c. ii. p. 187, 188, 189, 190, &c. Lond. 1705. (21) Dawk. Marm. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. iv, 9. viii, 16. ix, 17. x, 19. &c. (22) Seller's Crit. Observat. &c. 11. It will at first sight be allowed, that the forms of several of the letters, exhibited by the inscription I am attempting to illustrate, are considerably different from those of the letters preserved by Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions; tho' the forms of every particular element repeated in the first of these monuments, at least if we may depend upon F. Montfaucons's copy, nearly resemble one another. From whence I would infer, that the letters of M. Spon's inscription were drawn at Rome, either by a person not sufficiently acquainted with the true forms of the Palmyrene letters; or by a native of some part of Syria, where an alphabet was used not exactly the same with that of the Palmyrenes. The latter of which suppositions seems to me at present the more probable. I shall therefore, in consequence of this opinion, take for granted, at least till I can meet with a more accurate copy of the Roman Palmyrene inscription, that the alphabet, to which its elements belonged, was something different from that of the Palmyrenes; though I should not be surprized, if hereafter, upon an inspection of that inscription, those two alphabets should appear to be intirely the same. Nor will this seem altogether improbable, if it be considered, that (23) one of Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions is only three years earlier, and (24) another of them not above seven years later, than the monument I have now in view. What is here advanced will perhaps be thought not so remote from truth, (23) Dawk. Marm. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. i, 8. (24) Dawk. Marm. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. iv, 9. truth, if we admit, what has been suggested by two (25) very great men; viz. that this marble was brought to Rome from Tadmor by the emperor Aurelian himself, after he had pillaged the latter of those cities, and treated its inhabitants with uncommon cruelty, according to one of his own letters, still extant in (26) Vopiscus. Which notion if we think fit to adopt, we must likewise allow, that the two deities exhibited by this stone were BAAL, BELVS, or IVPITER, and the SVN; those having been the deities, according to the authors who have espoused this notion, as well as (27) Zosimus, and not Herodian, as Dr. Hyde (28) affirms, whose images were carried from Tadmor to Rome by that emperor. After what has been observed on this head, I shall perhaps be excused, if I lay before the Society the following alphabet, deduced from the Roman Palmyrene inscription published by Gruter and M. Spon. (25) Selden. ubi sup. Tho. Hyd. Hist. Rel. Vet. Pers. p. 116, 117. Oxon. 1700. (26) Flav. Vopisc. in Aurelian. (27) Zosim. Lib. i. (28) Hyd. ubi sup. The PALMYRENE Alphabet, according to the Inscription published by Gruter and Spon. | Palmyr. | Hebr. | Palmyr. | Hebr. | |---------|-------|---------|-------| | Aleph | א | Lamed | ל | | Beth | ב | Mem | מ | | Gimel | ג | Nun | נ | | Daleth | ד | Samech | ס | | He | ה | Ajin | ע | | Vau | ו | Pe | פ | | Zain | ז | Tzade | צ | | Hheth | ח | Koph | ק | | Teth | ט | Resch | ר | | Jod | י | Schin | ש | | Caph | כ | Thau | ת | It may not be improper to observe, that the forms of the Nun and the Ajin, in this alphabet, approach nearer the modern Syriac forms of those letters, if they do not entirely agree with them, than they do those of the same elements in the proper alphabet of the Palmyrenes. 12. With 12. With regard to the numeral characters, still visible on the Roman marble, it may not be amiss to remark, that the last of them seems to have been altered by time. It was probably at first two short strait lines, which express the number Two in some of (29) Mr. Dawkins's Palmyrene inscriptions. If this should be admitted by the members of our most learned Society, they will not be displeased to see the following numeral table, deduced from the inscription I have been considering, from Unity to a Thousand, not a little resembling that of the true and proper Palmyrenes. **PALMYRENE Numerals from One to a Thousand,** according to the Inscription publicly published by Gruter. | D | XL | XXI | XI | I | |---|----|-----|----|---| | DC | L | XXII | XII | II | | DCC | LX | XXIII | XIII | III | | DCCC | LXX | XXIV | XIV | IV | | DCCCC | LXXX | XXV | XV | V | | DCCCCX | XC | XXVI | XVI | VI | | DCCCCXL | C | XXVII | XVII | VII | | DCCCCLX | CC | XXVIII | XVIII | VIII | | DCCCCCLXXX | CCC | XXIX | XIX | IX | | M | CCCC | XXX | XX | X | (29) Dawk. Marm. Palmyren. Inscript. Palmyren. iv, 9. v, ii. vii, 13. &c. This table, if the manner of numeral expression offered to the consideration of the Society in the beginning of this letter be allowed, may be continued ad infinitum. 13. It is worthy observation, that the word 'בָּנוֹי', HIS SONS, in the Roman Palmyrene inscription, denoted IARÆVS's whole family, and consequently included both the wife (as manifestly appears from the Greek inscription answering to it) and the daughters (if he had any) of that Palmyrene. From whence we may conclude, that this word was pretty frequently used in such an extensive signification, about the middle of the third century after CHRIST, and probably much (30) earlier, at least in some parts of the East. As I have expatiated so largely upon Gruter's Palmyrene inscription, with which perhaps it may be thought I was not at first so immediately concerned, I am afraid you will esteem me too prolix. I shall therefore only beg leave farther to observe, that sufficient acknowledgments can never be made to Mr. Dawkins, for the honour he has done his country, and service to the republic of letters, in copying so exactly such a number of inscriptions, which were before entirely lost to the learned world; and to assure you that I am, with the highest regard, SIR, Your most obliged, and most obedient humble servant, John Swinton. (30) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 211. Hanoviae, 1612. LETTER IV. Reverend Sir, Christ-Church, Oxford, Oct. 10, 1754. Read Nov. 14, 1754. NOT long after I had finished my conjectures upon the Palmyrene inscription published by (1) Gruter and (2) M. Spon, I received a most obliging letter from M. l'Abbé Barthelemy, member of the Royal Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Letters at Paris, and keeper of the medals in the French king's cabinet; wherein he informed me, that he had taken great pains to explain that inscription, and another drawn in the same character, published likewise by (3) M. Spon. As he seemed to think, that he had not entirely deciphered those inscriptions, he recommended it to me to take them both into my consideration, and try what I could make of them. I received also, at the same time, from that very learned and polite gentleman, as a present, a copy of his reflections upon the alphabet and language of Palmyra; which, especially as the piece itself is the result of great sagacity and erudition, I esteem as an additional favour. M. l'Abbé Barthelemy acquainted me in his letter, that he had procured a most faithful and exact copy of the second Roman Palmyrene inscription, which enabled him to express it by the square, or Chaldee, (1) Jan. Gruter. Corp. Inscript. ex Recens. & Annotat. Joan. Georg. Graev. p. lxxxvi. Amstelædami, 1707. (2) Jac. Spon. Miscellan. Erudit. Antiquitat. p. i. Lugduni, 1685. (3) Idem ibid. p. 3. letters exhibited in his third plate. It may not be improper to observe here, that we are obliged for the publication of this last inscription to (4) F. Montfaucon, (5) Mr. Reland, and (6) Sig. Polleni, as well as to M. Spon. In my answer of the 8th inst. to M. l'Abbé's letter, dated at Paris, Sept. 5th, which reached me here the 12th of the same month, I told him, that I had drawn out my conjectures upon the first of the inscriptions he desired me to give some attention to, before the arrival of his letter; but that I could not at present find time to attempt an explication of the other. Nor indeed ought I to think of undertaking such a task, before I can procure an accurate copy of the inscription to be explained, which M. l'Abbé Barthelemy says he is in possession of; those to be met with in F. Montfaucon, Mr. Reland, Sig. Polleni, and M. Spon, being so inaccurately taken, that, with regard to the forms of the letters they exhibit, they cannot certainly be depended upon. If the square, or Chaldee, letters at the bottom of M. l'Abbé's third plate do really answer to the Palmyrene elements, they are intended to represent; the SVN had the name, or surname, of MALACHBELVS, MALACBELVS, or MALECBAL, that is to say, KING BAAL, given him by the Palmyrenes. Which (4) Montfauc. L'Antiquit. Expliq. Tom. II. par. ii. p. 392. pl. clxxix. (5) Hadrian. Reland. Palæst. Illuſtrat. Tom. ii. p. 526. Trajecti Batavorum, 1714. (6) Joan. Polen. Utriusq. Thesaur. Antiquitat. Romanar. & Graecar. Nov. Supplement. Vol. quart. p. 411, 654. Venetii, 1737. if we admit, the names, or surnames, of AGLIBOL, or AGLEBAL, and MALECRAL, may be considered as two different titles, or surnames, of the SVN; or rather as two appellations pointing out to us two pagan divinities, with which the Palmyrenes were supplied by the different appearances, or influences, of the Sun in summer and winter. This notion has been countenanced (7) by Salmasius, and some (8) other very learned men. However, I must frankly own, that I cannot, to my entire satisfaction, yet trace out the elements M. l'Abbé has favoured us with, in any of the copies of this inscription, that has hitherto fallen under my inspection. That IVPITER and the SVN were looked upon as the same deity, and denominated BAAL, or BAAL SHEMESH, by the people of Abila, a town of Syria, at no very great distance from the famous Hierapolis, if not by the Palmyrenes; we may, I think, fairly infer from an inscription in the Palmyrene character, copied by (9) Signiore Pietro della Valle, (10) at Teive, or Teibe, between two and three days (11) journey from Tadmor, in conjunction with a (12) Greek one published by Dr. Bernard, that appears upon the same stone. The inscription in the Palmyrene cha- (7) Claud. Salmas. ad Flav. Vopisc. in Div. Aureliam. (8) Jan. Gruter. ubi sup. Joann. Selden. De Diis Syr. Syntag. ii. p. 226. Lipsiae, 1668. Bochart. Chron. p. 811. Francofurti ad Moenum, 1681. (9) Hadr. Roland. ubi sup. p. 525, 526. (10) Philosop. Transact. Vol. xix. n. 217. p. 109. & n. 218. p. 173. (11) Philosop. Transact. Vol. xix. n. 217. p. 109. (12) Edw. Bernard. Monument. Palmyren. p. 2. Rotterdami, 1716. racter, as to the forms of some of its letters, has either been a little inaccurately taken by Signiore Pietro della Valle himself; or a little inaccurately copied by Mr. Masson, from that gentleman's original papers. However, as the words AGATHANGELVS, or AGATHANGELVS, ABILENVS, BAAL, and SHEMESH, therein plainly enough occur; I would, if such a liberty might be indulged me by the learned, willingly bestow the following Latin and English versions upon the inscription now in view. See Plate xxx, Number II. BAAL SHEMESH (BELO SOLI vel DOMINO SOLI) DEO ABILENO DOMICILIVM (HABITATIONEM vel MANSIONEM) INCOLVMITATIS (vel SALVTIS) FECIT AGATHANGELVS. AGATHANGELVS PREPARED A PLACE OF SAFETY, or HEALTH, FOR BAAL SHEMESH, THE SVN, or IVPITER THE THVNDERER, THE GOD OF THE ABILENES. That the inscription, according to this interpretation, sufficiently expresses the sense of the Greek one answering to it, though in a very concise manner, will not, I believe, be denied; which may be considered as a pretty strong presumption, that my explication of it cannot be very remote from truth. But this will be still more evident from a closer atten- attention to the particular terms of which it is composed. The signification of the two first words BAAL SHEMESH, or DOMINO SOLI, cannot well be mistaken. That the third word MAR, may be translated into Latin either (13) DOMINO or DEO, will by every orientalist be easily allowed. The fourth manifestly appears to be ABILENSVS, or in Latin by apposition ABILENO; though the second, fourth, and fifth, of its letters have been something altered and effaced. The fifth may be looked upon as the same with DOMICILIVM, HABITATIONEM, MANSIONEM, &c. the Syrians (15) sometimes suppressing Vau, and using Samech for Schin. The sixth answers to the Latin INCOLVMITATIS, SALVTIS, &c. The seventh apparently denotes (17) FECIT, PERFECIT, ABSOLVIT, &c. the Syrians not seldom converting the Hebrew He in verbs of this kind into Aleph. And the eighth, if (13) Edm. Castel. Lex. Heptaglot. p. 2128. Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 1034, 1035. (14) Edm. Cast. ubi sup. p. 1648. Val. Schind. ubi sup. p. 814, 815. (15) See the first Roman Palmyrene inscription, as above explained. Schind. ubi sup. p. 1826, & alib. (16) Vid. Targ. & Vers. Syriac. in Prov. ii. 7. & Castel. ubi sup. p. 2450. (17) Castel. ubi sup. p. 2928, 2929. Schind. ubi sup. p. 1399, 1400. (18) Joh. Buxtorf. Thesaur. Gram. Hebr. p. 251, 252. Basileæ, 1663. Buxtorf. Gram. Chald. et Syriac. p. 161. Basileæ, 1615. Schind. ubi sup. p. 313, 314, 315, &c. an allowance be made for a small alteration in the second and sixth letters, will be Ἀγαθήλος, AGATHELVS, AGATHAGELVS, or, as the Greeks pronounced, and the Romans wrote it, AGATHANGELVS; the Greek Νυ being (19) sometimes omitted in eastern words, and sometimes supplying the (20) place of Dagesch Forte. Whence we may conclude, that the Abilenes, who were neighbours to the Heliopolitans, if not the people of Tadmor, took the Greek ΖΕΥΣ ΚΕΡΑΥΝΙΟΣ, the Roman IVPITER FVLGVRAOTOR, or IV-PITER THE THVNDERER, and BAAL SHEMESH, or the SVN, for the same deity; and consequently that whether we look upon the words AGLIBOLVS and MALACHBELVS as pointing out to us IVPITER, or BELVS, and the SVN, (21) as some imagine, or only the latter of those deities, as others (22) will have it, we cannot greatly err. From the inscription now before us we may likewise collect, that some of the Syrians, inhabiting districts not in the neighbourhood of Tadmor, made use of the very same letters, or alphabet, about the year of our Lord 134, which then prevailed amongst the Palmyrenes. What has been here advanced, in relation to the identity of the Greek ΖΕΥΣ, the Roman IVPITER, and BAAL SHEMESH, or the SVN, is perfectly consonant to the sentiments of Macrobius on this (19) Bochart. Chan. p. 833. (20) Idem ibid. & p. 534. (21) Zofim. Lib. i. Tho. Hyd. Hist. Rel. vet. Perf. p. 117. (22) Jan. Gruter. & Joam. Selden. ubi sup. Sam. Bochart. ubi sup. p. 811. head; who expressly (23) affirms, that the Greek ΖΕΥΣ, the Roman IVPITER, the principal god of the Heliopolitans, and therefore undoubtedly that of their neighbours the Abilenes, were the very same deity with the SVN. Nec ipse Jupiter, says that writer, rex deorum, Solis naturam videtur excedere; sed eumdem esse Jovem ac Solem claris docetur indiciis. In support of which assertion he cites Homer, Plato, Cornificius, Posidonius, and Cleanthes; who, according to him, absolutely evince such a notion. The Assyrians also, or Syrians, if we will believe (24) him, allowed the IVPITER of the Heliopolitans, and therefore in all likelihood the IVPITER of their neighbours the Abilenes, to have been BAAL SHEMESH, or the SVN. Assyrii quoque, adds he, Solem sub nomine Jovis (i.e. BAAL, BAALIS, vel BELI), quem Dia Heliopoliten cognominant, maximis ceremoniis celebrant in civitate, quae Heliopolis nuncupatur. Nay, which is directly in point, from the same author it very clearly (25) appears, that IVPITER HELIOPOLITES was not only BAAL SHEMESH, or the SVN, but likewise, in conformity to our inscriptions, the ΖΕΥΣ ΚΕΠΑΥΝΙΟΣ, or IVPITER THE THVNDERER, of the Greeks. Hunc vero, continues he, eumdem Jovem Solemque esse cum ex ipso sacrorum rito, tum ex habitu dinoecitur. Simulacrum enim aureum specie imberbi instat dextra elevata (23) Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. c. xxiii. p. 215—217. Lond. 1694. (24) Idem ibid. (25) Idem ibid. CVM FLAGRO IN AVRIGÆ MODVM; laeva tenet. FVLMEN et spicas, quæ cuncta Jovis Solisque con- sociatam potentiam monstrant. Sanchoniatho, Philo Byblius, Servius, Herodian, Julius Capitolinus, and others, in effect likewise assert the (26) same thing. And that the Sun was antiently worshiped in those parts of Syria, bordering upon Palæstine, under the name of Shemesh, or Baal Shemesh, is sufficiently implied by the local names Beth Shemesh, the temple of Shemesh, or the Sun; Ir Shemesh, the city of She- mesh, or the Sun; Har Shemesh, the mountain of Shemesh, or the Sun, &c. which (27) not seldom occur in Scripture. It has been remarked by Salmasius (28), that several nations and cities of the East paid divine honours to the Sun under different appellations, each of them having one or more peculiar to itself. The people of Tadmor gave him the surnames of Aglibolus, and Malachbelus, as has been already ob- served; the citizens of Emesa, or Hems, called him Alagabalus, Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus; the Persians denominated him Miher, or Mibr, which was convert- ed into Mitbra by the Greeks; the Babylonians digni- fied him with the title of Baal, or Bel, importing Lord; and the Abilenes, according to the inscription I have been endeavouring to decipher, Baal Shemesh. With regard to the nature of the mansion, cham- ber, or apartment, erected and fitted up by AGA- THANGELVS for BAAL SHEMESH, the SVN, (26) Bochart. ubi sup. p. 736, 737. (27) Matth. Hiller. Onomast. Sacr. p. 771, 772. Tubingæ, 1706. (28) Claud. Salmas, ubi sup. or IVPITER THE THVNDERER, I must refer the curious to what has been said by (29) Mr. Seller, and the authors cited by him, on this head; as I cannot, consistently with the brevity here proposed, at present expatiate farther upon it. To what has been advanced, in order to illustrate this inscription, which has never hitherto been explained, several other particulars, perhaps not altogether unworthy the attention of the learned, might have been added, were it not for the reason just hinted at. For as I may probably be thought to have treated the point before me in too copious, or rather prolix, a manner; it might be deemed improper to offer any farther observations at this time relative to it. I shall therefore only intreat you to believe me to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, SIR, Your most obliged, and most obedient servant, John Swinton. (29) Sel. ubi sup. p. 364—369. ERRATA. P. 724. l. 13, 14. read— and P. 726. l. 3. immediately after the parenthesis, read—unless we suppose it to have been originally LETTER LETTER V. Reverend Sir, Christ-Church, Oxford, Oct. 21, 1754. Read Nov. 14, 1754. In my last letter I intimated to you, that I had no intention to offer any conjectures, at least for the present, upon the second Roman Palmyrene inscription, published by F. Montfaucon, Mr. Reland, Sig. Poleni, and M. Spon, for the reason therein assigned. But having since been prompted by my curiosity to compare Mr. Reland's copy of it, by the assistance of the two Palmyrene alphabets I imagine myself to have discovered, with the Chaldee letters, that appear at the bottom of M. l'Abbé Barthelemy's third plate; I find that the latter may be supposed tolerably well to represent the former, and from thence am induced to conclude, that M. l'Abbé's copy of the same inscription must have been pretty accurately taken. This has excited me to attempt, with all the attention I am capable of, an explication of that inscription; the result of which I now do myself the honour to send you, drawn up in the shortest, and most concise, manner possible. The inscription then, after the introduction of an emendation in the second line, and of two additional letters in the third, which I would recommend to the consideration of the learned, may perhaps be pretty easily exhibited in the Chaldee character, and demonstrated to express the sense of the Latin inscription, with which it is supposed to correspond. The The second Roman Palmyrene inscription, published by Mr. Reland, from a copy taken of it by Mr. Masson, in his *Palæst. Illustrat.* Tom. ii. p. 526. Trajecti Batavorum, 1714. See Plate xxx, Number III. ARAM HANC MALACHBELO ET DIIS TADMOR OBTVLIT (vel DEDICAVIT) TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS CALBIENSES ET TADMORIENSES (vel PALMYRENI) DIIS SVIS VOTVM SOLVERVNT. TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS DEDICATED THIS ALTAR TO MALACHBELVS AND THE GODS OF TADMOR: THE CALBITES AND THE TADMORITES (or PALMYRENES) HAVE PERFORMED THE VOW THEY MADE TO THEIR GODS. The terms, which form this inscription, are so clear and intelligible, that it would be superfluous to expatiate upon them. My conversion of M. l’Abbé Barthelemy’s dubious *Samech* and *Jod*, the powers of which he seems not absolutely to have ascertained, into *Jod* and *Aleph*, in the word אָלֶהָ, at the end of the second line, is sufficiently justified, and even rendered incontestable, by the word אָלֶהָ, that immediately follows, and the correspondent Latin inscription. inscription. That part of the seventh letter in אָלֹהִים has been connected with the preceding element, and the other part defaced by the injuries of time, at first sight seems clearly enough to appear; though, had this not been the case, we may easily conceive, from what has been already observed, that the Palmyrenes sometimes in the affix יְהוּ might have omitted the letter (1) Vau. The pronoun (2) רַהֲ, or (3) אָנָה, (not אָנָה, (4) which is undoubtedly Hebrew) and the words עֶלְיוֹן כְּרֵב וּתְרֵי אָנָה are all of them of the pure Syriac form. As for מְבָרֶס כְּלוּרִים, TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS, several similar instances of such Roman proper names, written in the Palmyrene character, have already (5) been produced. That the last word was originally מְלָשָׁנִי, SOLVERVNT, or rather VOTVM SOLVERVNT, HAVE PERFORMED THE VOW, as I have taken the liberty to translate it here, is clearly evinced by the latter part of the Latin inscription; with which this translation so exactly corresponds. The term מְלָשָׁנִי, as confined to the signification now assigned it, is apparently (6) Syriac; and occurs both in the (7) Old and New Testament. Hence we may conclude, that TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS, by the dedication of this altar, enabled several of the CALBITES and TADMORITES, who acted under his command, to- (1) See my Third Letter, p. 734. l. 5. (2) Edm. Castel. Lex Heptaglot. p. 631, 632. Lond. 1669. (3) Idem. ibid. (4) Val. Schind. Lex. Pentaglot. p. 467. Hanoviae, 1612. Castel. ubi sup. p. 1019. (5) See my First and Second Letters. (6) Edm. Castel. Lex. Heptaglot. p. 3766. (7) Psal. xxii. 25. Matth. v. 33. perform or accomplish a vow they had made; and that he conducted some important enterprise, which had occasioned that vow, with great success. Whether the principal figure on that side of the stone, which exhibits the Palmyrene inscription, was intended to represent the SVN (8), as F. Montfaucon and others have asserted; or TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS himself, as some perhaps may suppose not less probable; I shall not pretend to decide: but that the inference here deduced from the term, which I have now been considering, can by no means be deemed unjust, will, I flatter myself, by the learned be very readily allowed. Who the CALBITES mentioned in this inscription were, we cannot so easily learn from any of the Greek or Latin authors. However, I make not the least doubt, but they must have belonged to the Calbites taken notice of by (9) Abulfeda, the celebrated Arabian historian; who, according to that writer, were a tribe of Arabs that acknowledged for their great progenitor Calb Ebn Wabra, descended in a right line from Hamyar, the son of Saba, the fifth of the antient kings of Yaman. This tribe, in the times of ignorance (10), that is to say, before the introduction of Islamism into Arabia, occupied Dawmat Al Jandal, Tabûc, and several other places upon the confines of Syria. From whence, in conjunction with the inscription now before me, which perhaps was brought to Rome from Tadmor by the emperor Aurelian himself, we may infer, that (8) Montfauc. L' Antiq. Expliq. Tom. II. par. ii. p. 391, 392. (9) Ism. Abulfed. in cap. De Arab. pur. Poc. Not. in Spec. Hist. Arab. p. 40, 41. Oxon. 1650. (10) Al Kâdi Saed Ebn Ahmed Andalosen. apud Greg. Abul Faraj. in Hist. Dynast. p. 159. Oxon. 1663. the Calbites, before the birth of Mohammed, probably extended themselves from Dawmat Al Jandal and Tabûc to the borders of Palmyrene, and were even possessed of some districts in the neighbourhood of Tadmor. According to the correspondent (11) Latin inscription, the TADMORITES, or PALMYRENES, as well as the (12) CALBITES, mentioned here to have expressed such a regard for their local or tutelary deities, must have been soldiers belonging to the third cohort of one of the Roman legions, then quartered either at Tadmor, or some other place in the territories of the Palmyrenes. But who TIBERIVS CLAVDIVS was, what command he had assigned him in the Roman forces, or even at what time precisely he lived, for want of sufficient light from antient history, I cannot at present take upon me to determine. Thus, Sir, you have my thoughts upon the second Roman Palmyrene inscription, the only one of those hitherto published, which I have not already touched upon, laid before you with all possible brevity. For the rest, I remain, with the highest respect and esteem, SIR, Your most obedient humble servant, John Swinton. (11) Jacob. Spon. Miscellan. Erudit. Antiquitat. p. 3. Lugduni, 1685. (12) It appears from Eutychius, that the Calbites acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperor Heraclius, and that even part of a body of troops, assembled by that prince to oppose the Moflem forces, was drawn out of their tribe, in the Khalîfat of Abu Becr. Eutych. Annal. Tom. ii. p. 270—273. Oxon. 1656. LXXXVIII.