Some Considerations on a Draught of Two Large Peices of Lead, with Roman Inscriptions upon Them, Found Several Years since in Yorkshire. By John Ward, LL.D. Rhet. Prof. Gresh. and V. P. R. S.

noon, November 1, last past. The pond is a large one, and almost round. The bank of it, towards the north, is faced with a brick-wall; and the bottom of it arises from thence, in a slope, towards the south. The water arose from north to south, so as to go five feet and a half beyond the water-mark. In his return it arose against the brick wall, the top of which was about one foot above the level of the water, so as to run over it. The water afterwards moved from north to south, and back again, five times before it stopped. I am, Barley, June 15, 1756. Dear Sir, Very faithfully yours, T. Rutherforth. CVIII. Some Considerations on a draught of two large pieces of Lead, with Roman Inscriptions upon them, found several years since in Yorkshire. By John Ward, LL.D. Rhet. Prof. Gresh. and V. P. R. S. Read July 1, 1756. Some time since a draught of two large pieces of lead, similar to each other, was communicated to this Society by a worthy member, Henry Stuart Stevens, Esquire (1). The account then given of them, which accom- (1) January 31, 1754. A Draught of two pieces of lead, situated on Haylhaw moor in Yorkshire. Length: - At the top from A to B: 21 inches - At the bottom from C to D: 23 1/2 inches Breadth: - At the top from A to E: 3 1/2 inches - At the bottom from D to F: 4 1/4 inches Perpendicular thickness: 4 inches The top is somewhat uneven. Weight of the lead: 11 pounds. lead, similar to each other, in Yorkshire. what hollow, and the letters are in relief. lead, 1 hundred, 1 quarter, and 16 pounds. panied the draught, was as follows: "They were "found in February 1734, one foot and half under- "ground, on Hayshaw Moor, belonging to Sir "John Ingilby, baronet, in the manor of Dacre, "near Pateley bridge, in the West Riding of York- "shire. The weight of each peice is one hun- "dred, one quarter, and sixteen pounds." The form of them, as likewise two Roman inscriptions impressed on them in relief, will appear by the draught annexed to this paper, and reduced to half the size of the original (Tab. xxiv.). The larger inscription, which is placed on the top, may be thus read in words at length: *Imperatore Caesar Domitiano Augusto, Consule vii.* And the lesser, on the side: *Brigantum.* When this draught came first before the Society, I took the liberty of saying, that I apprehended those peices of lead were part of the tax, which at that time was paid to the Romans out of the lead mines in Bri- tain. The reasons for which opinion I now beg leave to offer more at large (2). (2) Since this paper was written, I have found, that another draught of those peices of lead, with a brief account of them, had formerly been communicated to the Society, not long after they were discovered; and published in their *Transactions*, Vol. XLI. Num. 459. p. 560. That account differs very little from this, ei- ther as to the form, dimensions, and weight of the two peices of lead; or the time, and place, of their discovery. But no attempt is there offered to explain the design, for which they were made. But But before I enter upon this, it may be proper to observe, that Camden has published two Roman inscriptions, impressed likewise on pieces of lead, which were found on the shore, at the mouth of the river Mersey in Cheshire, while he was revising his description of that country. And the account he gives of them is this: *Dum haec recognovi, a fide dignis accepi viginti massas plumbeas hic in ipso litore erutas fuisse, forma oblongiori sed quadrata, in quarum superiori parte in concavo haec legitur inscriptio*: ``` IMP. DOMIT. AVG. GER. DE CEANG. ``` *In aliis vero:* ``` IMP. VESP. VII. T. IMP. V. COSS. ``` He supposes them to have been erected as a monument of a victory over the Cangi, as appears by his following words, which are these: *Quod monumentum videatur erectum fuisse ob victoriam in Cangos (3).* And this he supposes to have been done in the reign of Domitian, while Julius Agricola was propraetor in Britain. It is plain from the words, *a fide dignis accepi*, that Camden himself had not seen those (3) Britann. p. 463, edit. 1607. peices of lead. However from his description of them, as imperfect as it is (for he neither gives us their weight, nor dimensions) it seems highly probable, that they were of the same kind, and designed for the same use, with those represented by this draught. But as Camden considered them only as a monument of a victory, I shall now proceed to offer my reasons for differing from that learned writer in this particular. At the time these peices of lead were cast, Britain was a Roman province, and had been so from the reign of Claudius. For Caesar, as Tacitus says, was the first Roman, who invaded Britain; but did little more, than show it to his successors. After which the civil wars, and dissensions in the Roman state, diverted them from any thoughts of Britain; so that no attempts were made against it during the three following reigns (4). But Claudius, who succeeded next to the empire, being ambitious of a triumph, was prevailed on to undertake an expedition against Britain. For this purpose he sent hither a large body of Roman forces, and not long after coming over himself landed in Kent. The Britons were then governed by several independent princes, who not being able to withstand the Romans, some of them submitted; and Claudius in a short time returning again to Rome, was honoured with a splendid triumph. And the army, which he left behind him, not only maintained what they had gotten, but advancing farther into the country enlarged their conquests; so that during the reign of Claudius, as Tacitus informs (5) Vit. Agricol. cap. 13. us, *Redacta paulatim in formam provinciae proxima pars Britanniae*, addita insuper veteranorum colonia, quaedam civitates Cogiduno regi donatae (6). Where by the Words, *proxima pars Britanniae*, must be understood the south east parts nearest the continent (7). From this time a Roman governor was usually appointed to reside here, as in other provinces of the empire. And in the next reign, which was that of *Nero*, the Romans continued to gain fresh conquests; though the Britons, who were very uneasy in this state of servitude, made several efforts to regain their liberty, and particularly under the conduct of queen *Boadicea*. When, as the same historian relates, Britain had been lost, if the Roman governor *Paullinus*, who was employed in the reduction of the isle of Anglesey, had not speedily returned, and given the enemy a total defeat (8). After this no fresh disturbances arose till the reign of *Vespasian*, who assumed the empire near the end of the year 69. In the year 71 the Roman army under *Cerealis* having attacked the *Brigantes*, a northern people, and very numerous, conquered a great part of their country (9). And in the year 76 the *Silures*, inhabitants of Wales, a powerful and warlike people, were in like manner subdued by *Frontinus* (10). The next Roman legate in Britain was *Julius Agricola*, a man of equal courage and prudence; who in the year 78, being sent by *Vespasian* to go- --- (6) Ibid. cap. 14. (7) See Horsley's *Brit. Rom.* p. 33. (8) Tac. ubi supra, cap. 16, 18. (9) Tac. ibid. cap. 17. (10) Ibid. vern the province, marched first against the Ordo- vices, a people of North Wales, by whom a body of Roman soldiers, stationed near them, had lately been almost entirely cut off; in return for which, having given them a total defeat, he destroyed in a manner the whole nation (11). After this his view was to reduce the isle of Anglesey, which upon his approach surrendered to him (12). And winter then coming on, he applied himself to redress the grievances of the inhabitants, and particularly the unjust exactions made upon them by the officers of the revenue, in order to prevent any future disturbances. At the approach of summer he drew out his army, and gave the enemy no rest, by making sudden inroads upon them, and wasting their country. And when he had sufficiently terrified them, he desisted, and shewed them the allurements of peace; by which many states sub- mitted, gave hostages, received garrisons, and per- mitted the building of forts. The winter following was spent in schemes to soften and polish this rude and uncultivated people, by encouraging and assisting them to build temples (13), places of public resort, (11) Ibid. cap. 18. (12) Ibid. (13) The largest and most beautiful mosaic pavement, which has hitherto appeared in Britain, was discovered some years since in Littlecote park, near Ramsbury in Wiltshire, and now possessed by Edward Popham, esquire. It seems, by the form and size of it, to have been the area of a heathen temple, consisting of two parts, as those build- ings usually did, namely, a templum and sacrarium. And from some coins of Vespasian, which were found with it, that temple might not improbably have been one of those, which were erected here, while Agricola governed in Britain. A print of this curious remain of Roman antiquity was lately ingraved by Mr. George Vertue. and fine houses; the noblemen's sons were instructed in the liberal arts, drawn into an esteem of the Roman language and habit, and by degrees the inducements to luxury, as porticos, baths, and costly banquets; which, as the historian adds, *apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset* (14). The third campaign discovered new people, when marching still northward he subdued all, who opposed him, to the borders of Scotland, where he built castles. And the next summer was employed in securing and settling the conquests, which he had hitherto made; so that the Romans were then absolute lords of all on this side. The two succeeding years were employed in fresh conquests northwards, and the year following, or near it, *Agricola* was recalled by the emperor *Domitian*. Such was the state of affairs in Britain during the government of *Agricola*, when the Romans enjoyed the fruits of their conquests, and the Britons grew more easy under the yoke. In the Roman provinces the next officer under the governor was the *procurator*, who had the care and charge of the revenues, and by illegal exactions often oppressed the inhabitants. This was one of the grievances complained of by the Britons, at the time of their revolt under queen *Boadicea*, when they said: *Singulos sibi olim reges fuisse, nunc binos imponi; e quibus legatus in sanguinem, procurator in bona saeviret* (15). Now the taxes levied by the Romans on the provincials were of two kinds, called *tributa* (14) Tacitus, *ibid. cap. 21.* (15) *Ibid. cap. 15.* and *vectigalia* (16). The former consisted chiefly of a capitation tax, and a tax upon lands; both which, as occasion required, had in the time of the republic been frequently levied on the citizens of Rome (17). All other duties besides these came under the name of *vectigalia*, and were principally four: a certain portion of the grain produced by arable land, which was usually a tenth; payments made for grazing cattle in pasture grounds, or forests; customs upon goods imported, or exported; and the produce of mines (18). But this distinction, between the use of the words *tributum* and *vectigal*, is not always observed by Roman writers. The *vectigalia* were generally farmed out to Roman citizens of the equestrian order, who held them at a certain annual rent, and were called *publicani* (19). So Livy, speaking of the mines in Macedonia, sais: *Eas sine publicanis exerceri non posse* (20). And as this affair was too large and expensive for the fortune of single persons, it was managed by different societies, or corporations, who rented one or more species of a whole province, which were let together. Tacitus refers to these societies, when he sais; *Fru menta, et pecuniae vectigales, cetera publicorum fructuum, societatibus equitum Romanorum agitantur* (21). And Cicero calls them *societates vectigalium* (22). They usually resided at Rome; but had --- (16) Cujac. Observat. Lib. vii. cap. 4. (17) Festus in voc. Tributorum. (18) Burmann. De vectigal. Lib. i. p. 3, and Lib. vi. p. 77. edit. 4to. (19) Lib. i. §. i. Dig. de censibus. L. 13. princ. ibid. de donationibus. (20) Lib. xlv. cap. 18. (21) Annal. Lib. iv. cap. 6. (22) Pro Sext. cap. 14. deputies (23), and other inferior officers, in the provinces; who transacted their affairs there, and disposed of their effects. Pliny observes, that the lead mines in Britain were in his time very large, and easily worked, as they lay near the surface of the earth. His words are these: *Nigro plumbo ad fistulas laminasque utimur, laboriosius in Hispania eruto, totasque per Gallias; sed in Britannia summo terrae corio adeo large, ut lex ultro dicatur, ne plus certo modo fiat* (24). And then he proceeds to acquaint us with the annual rent, at which one of those mines was farmed in *Baetica*, the more southern province of farther Spain. *Mirem*, sais he, *in his solis metallis, quod derelicta fertilius revivescunt*. Nuper id compertum in *Baetica Santarense* (25) metallo, quod locari solitum x. cc. M (26) annuis, postquam obliteratum erat, CCLV (27) locatum est. The former of these sums makes of our money six thousand four hundred fifty eight pounds, six shillings, and eight pence; and the latter, eight thousand two hundred thirty four pounds, seven shillings, and six pence; computing the value of a Roman denary at seven pence three farthings, as Dr. Arbuthnot has done in his Tables. --- (23) Zacchaeus seems to have had this office in Judaea, as he is styled ἀποκτεινόμενος, and said to have been rich; whereas St. Matthew is only called τελέων. Luke xix. 2. Matth. x. 3. Luke v. 27. (24) N. H. Lib. xxxiv. cap. 17. (25) Santarense was the name of the mine here spoken of, as Harduin has shewn in his notes upon this place. (26) That is, *denariorum ducentis millibus*. (27) That is, *ducentis quinquaginta quinque millibus*. What Pliny says of the lead mines in Britain, plainly relates to his own time, and shows they were then subject to a Roman tax. And as he lived to the year 80, or near it, that very well agrees with the dates of the several inscriptions on the pieces of lead now under consideration. The earliest of these dates, which is in one of Camden's inscriptions, namely, IMP. VESP. VII. T. IMP. V. COSS. answers to the year 76, in the Fasti Consulares. And that in the draught, which is IMP. CAES. DOMITIANO. AVG. COS. VII. to the year 81 (28). And though the other inscription in Camden has only IMP. DOMIT. AVG. GER. without a date; yet, as the title Germanicus appears on some coins of Domitian at the be- (28) With regard to this inscription, it may not be amiss to observe, that although Domitian held his seventh consulate in the year 80, as appears by the Fasti; yet, as he is here styled Augustus, the inscription must refer to the year 81, in which he succeeded to the empire, upon the death of his brother Titus, and took the office of consul for the eighth time the following year. Nor are there wanting several other instances of the like nature, in which the last preceding consulate of the Roman emperors continued to be inserted in their inscriptions, among their other titles, till they resumed that office again. Thus Occo, p. 181, gives us an inscription of Trajan, with Trib. potest. 18, Cos. 6. Where the date of his tribunicial power answered to that of his reign, which Pagi observes to have been the usual custom, Proleg. ad Dissert. Hypat. §. 6. But Trajan held his sixth consulate in the year 112, which was the fifteenth of his reign. So likewise in the Append. ad Marm. Oxon. N. 162, there is a Greek inscription of Hadrian, with Δημαρχίας ἐξοικίας τὸ ἑπτάτον τὸ γ'. that is, Trib. pot. 10, Cos. 3. Though Hadrian's third consulate was in the same year of his reign. And to mention no more, Fabretti, p. 451, has published an inscription of the same emperor, in which is, Tribuniciae potest. 19, Cos. 3, being but two years before his death. gining of his reign, before he assumed it as a eognomen (29), it is not improbable, that this peice of lead might also have been cast within the time, when Agricola was governor of Britain. The method of casting the lead, when separated from the ore, into large peices of a proper size, form, and weight, was very proper; as well to ascertain their quantity, as to render them portable, and fit for sale. And they might be marked with the name of the emperor for a like reason, as when it was put upon the coins; namely, to authorise the sale of them by virtue of his permission. The year likewise, and the name of the people, where the mines lay, were necessary to be added, for the sake of the proprietors; in order to adjust their accounts with the officers, and prevent frauds in the execution of their trust. And it is observable, that the method now made use of in our lead mines is not much different from this. For the metal, while liquid, is cast in an iron mold into large peices, which from the shape of them are usually called pigs; and, as I have been informed, are upon an average near the same weight, with that specified in the draught. And they are likewise commonly marked with the initial letters of the name of the smelter, or factor, and sometimes both, before they are sent from the mines. Camden might possibly take these peices of lead for the monument of a victory, by supplying victoria, or monumentum victoriae, before the words DE CEANG. for Ceangis; the same people, as he sup- (29) See Vailiant, Numism. imp. Rom. praefant. Tom. II. ed.3. p. 113. And Sueton. in vit. Domit. c. 13. poses, with the Cangi; and whom, from the authority of this inscription, he would place in that country. But this supplement will not answer, when applied to Brigantum, the name of the people mentioned in the inscription upon the draught. For victoria, or monumentum victoriae, Brigantum, would rather mean a victory gained by the Brigantes, than over them. I would therefore supply the word vectigal in both inscriptions, and read vectigal de Ceangis, and vectigal Brigantum; for the sense will be much the same in either construction, as the former will signify a tax levied on the Ceangis, and the latter a tax paid by the Brigantes. Horsley indeed questions the genuineness of these inscriptions in Camden; partly from his assigning this situation to the Cangi upon their authority, which he can by no means agree to; and partly from their giving the title imperator at the same time, as he apprehends, to Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian (30). But neither of these reasons appears sufficient to invalidate their authenticity. For as to the situation of the Cangi, concerning which our antiquarians differ very much in their sentiments, the finding of those pieces of lead at the mouth of the river Mersey in Cheshire, is no proof of their having been made in that country. As twenty of them were found together, it seems highly probable, they were the remains of the cargo of some vessel laden with them, which had been cast away on that shore; but the place from whence they were brought must remain uncertain, till the situation of the Cangi has been first settled. (30) Britann. Rom. pag. 34, 316. fides, the name of the people is not mentioned in one of those in Camden; which might then have been defaced, or omitted by the transcriber. And as to the other objection of Horley, from the title of imperator being given to Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, at the same time, in those two inscriptions; that the pieces of lead, which contain them, must have been cast at some years distance from each other, has been shewn already (31). As to Camden's description of them, as monumentum erectum ob victoriam in Cangos, if from their number he supposed them to have been set together in the form of a trophy; how they could well have been placed in such a situation, I do not apprehend; nor have I ever met with any instance of a similar nature. He mentions indeed another inscription upon lead, found near Ochie hole in Somersetshire, of which he gives the following account: Non procul ab hoc, regnante Henrico VIII, aratro eruta fuit oblonga plumbi lamina in trophaeum olim erecta, et sic inscripta: TI. CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG. P. M. TRIB. P. VIIII. IMP. XVI. DE BRITAN (32). The size of the lead is not here given; but as he calls it lamina, a plate, that might indeed be fixed up somewhere, as a sort of trophy, or monument. Which seems confirmed by a coin of that emperor, (31) Pag. 695. (32) Britann. pag. 168. edit. 1607. A more particular account of this may be seen in Leland's Affertio Arturii, p. 45. where the inscription is read somewhat differently. with the same inscription, and a triumphal arch on the reverse, as Camden observes; who places it in the year 50, which answers to the ninth tribuneship of Claudius. And the like may be said of another such inscription upon a piece of lead, weighing about fifty pounds, and found in the same county; which is published by Horfley, and is as follows: IMP. DVOR. AVG. ANTONINI ET VERI ARMENIACORVM (33). It was then in the library of the lord viscount Wey- mouth at Longleat (34); though upon inquiry I do not find, that it is there now (35). But it was not unusual with the antients to cut inscriptions some- times on tables of lead. Thus Tacitus sais: Re- periebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum cor- porum reliquiae, carmina et devotiones, et nomen Ger- manici plumbeis tabulis insculptum (36). And Dion, speaking of the same subject, calls them, ἐλασμοὶ μο- χίεδινοι (37). However, those large and thick masses of lead described by Camden, and represented by the draught, seem to have differed no less from these: (33) Brit. Rom. Somersetsh. num. x. (34) Ibid. pag. 328. (35) The Rev. Dr. Stukeley has since obliged me with a more particular account of this plate of lead, as it was communicated to him by the Right Honourable Heneage Earl of Winchelsea. The Doctor sais, it was one foot nine inches long, two inches thick, three and a half broad; weighed fifty pounds; and was found in the ground of the Lord Fitzharding, near Bruton in Somersetshire. A draught of which, with the inscription, may likewise be seen in his Itinerar. Curios. p. 143. (36) Annal. Lib. ii. cap. 69. (37) Lib. lvii. pag. 615, edit. Leunclov. plates or tables, in the use of them, than they did in their figure. Nor can I apprehend, the former were designed for any other purpose, than that above mentioned. But as they are very remarkable, and perhaps the singular remains of that kind, relating to the Roman government, either here in Britain, or any other part of their dominions; they may deserve the further consideration of the curious, in their inquiries into these subjects. CIX. Two Essays addressed to the Rev. James Bradley, D.D. and Astron. Reg. by Mr. Charles Walmesley, F.R.S. Reverend Sir, I HAVE taken the liberty to address to you two little essays, that relate to astronomy; for as no one is more master of that science, or has enriched it with greater discoveries, than yourself, you can best judge of the worth and use of any performance in that kind. The first essay is a Theory on the Precession of the Equinoxes, and the Nutation of the Earth's Axis; which, as it is indebted to you for the discovery of the cause, on which it is founded, as also for the settling of the effects, with which its result is to be compared, ought to be laid before you as a homage, that of right is due. You expressed a desire of a theory on that subject: I have therefore examined, according to the principle of gravity, what motions may be produced in the globe