The Rest of the Treatise of That Learned Antiquary Dr. John Tabor of Lewes (Whereof the First Part is Publish'd in No 351. of These Transactions) concerning the Site of the Ancient City of Anderida, and Other Remains of Antiquity in the County of Sussex

II. The rest of the Treatise of that Learned Antiquary Dr. John Tabor of Lewes (whereof the First Part is publish'd in No 351. of these Transactions) concerning the Site of the ancient City of Anderida, and other Remains of Antiquity in the County of Sussex. The former Part of this curious Treatise having found a just Esteem among several worthy Members of the Royal Society, who are Lovers of Antiquity, at Their instance we have adventur'd to insert here the Remainder thereof; entreating our Philosophical and Mathematical Reader, to indulge the Liberty we now take, of breaking in upon the usual Subject of these Papers. Where Tacitus speaks of Britain and its Affairs, his Descriptions are so lively deliver'd, that one would think himself had been here, with his Wife's Father Agricola; and where he mentions the Irish Prince, the Expression by him us'd seems to give Strength to such a Supposition. The gaining the Southern part of this Island, was the greatest, if not the only Acquisition, made to the Roman Empire, from the Death of Tiberius to the Sixth Year of Claudius; which we may well suppose was not pass'd over in silence by that excellent Historian Tacitus: But his Four Books of Annals, which contain'd the Transactions of those Nine Years, we have reason enough to fear, are irretrievably lost. From the mention Suetonius makes of Claudius his Expedition hither; 'tis Tac. Agric. cap. XXIV. commonly insinuated his Conquest here cost no Blood. Our Countryman Bede, we may see, was of that opinion; because, in the Account given by him of Claudius, the Words of Suetonius are copied. But Dio Cassius, from whom we have the most particular Information of that War, gives a quite different Relation of the Matter: He takes notice of at least Four Battels, fought with the Britons (before Claudius came over) by Aulus Plautius; who had Flavius Vespasianus, Flavius Sabinius, and Hostilius Geta, that commanded under him: In the first Conflict, Cataratacus was defeated; in the second, Togodumnus, and, as may be inferr'd from his Words afterwards, slain. From the manner of his delivering the Story, all those Battels seem to have been fought, South of the River Thames, and North of the Sylva Anderida, except the last; and that in the first Campagne the Conquests of Plautius could not have extended beyond Kent and Surry: For it's likely that the Two first Actions happen'd about the Skirts of the Sylva Anderida, Eastward of the River Medway; and the Third, which held Two Days, on the Banks of that River; because, from the River, where they were routed Two Days successively, the Britons retiring, assembled their Strength again before their Fourth Overthrow, --- 1 Suet. Claud. cap. 17. Ac sine ullo pralio aut sanguine, intra paucissimos dies parte insulae in deditionem recepta, sexto quam proelium erat mensae Romam rediit 2 Beda Eccle. Hist. Gent. Angl. Lib. I cap. 3. 3 Dionis Cassii Hist. Rom. Lib. LX. Claud.V p 768. A. Oi ὁ Βεττιανὸς μὴ τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχετο, ἀλλὰ ἐπὶ ἐπιμάχεινον ἔξεσθαι. ἐπειδήπερ ἡ πόλις ἦν ἐκ τῆς ἑλληνικῆς ἀναγκαῖα ἐπιμάχεσθαι. ἐπειδήπερ ἡ πόλις ἦν ἐκ τῆς ἑλληνικῆς ἀναγκαῖα ἐπιμάχεσθαι. ἐπειδήπερ ἡ πόλις ἦν ἐκ τῆς ἑλληνικῆς ἀναγκαῖα ἐπιμάχεσθαι. throw, in that part of Kent which borders on the Thames, not far from its entrance into the Sea; and having pass'd it, were follow'd by Plautius his Germans, and on the other side put to flight; which was the Fourth Action mention'd by Dio. Claudius having been sent for, comes the Second Year with powerful Succours to the Assistance of Plautius; who with his Forces waited his Arrival near the Thames, not unlikely still where he quarter'd in the Winter; which perhaps was in that large strong Camp, as yet to be seen 6 not far from Bromly in Kent, on the River Ravensbourn. The Emperour joining him 7, immediately cross'd the Thames; overthrew the Britons posted on the other side to resist him; advanced to Cynobelin's chief Residence Camalodunum, and took it: Then receiving Homage of some States, return'd to Rome. Considering therefore that Claudius staid but Sixteen Days 8 in this Island, we must conclude his Dispatch was great; and that his Progress could not have been through more Parts than Kent, Essex, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, and Surry. As to what else relates to the British War in the time of Claudius, save that Three Years after Titus rescued his Father Vespasian when in great danger, we have no Account from Dio. But where Suetonius 9 treats of Vespasian's Life; we are told, when that Emperour commanded in Britain for Claudius; that he fought Thirty Battels, subdu'd Two of the most --- 6 Camden Brit. Edit. 1695. Col. 213. c. 7 Dion. Cassii Hist. Rom. Lib. LX. pag. 679. B. Καὶ περιέβη τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῷ, τῇ ὑπὸ ἐκείνου πορείᾳ ἐπιτεθῇ, ὡς τὰ τῷ Ὀξειάνῳ ἄφιξιν ἐγενόμενοι ἐκ τῶν ἐπιτεθηκότων, συνέσχοντο πᾶσιν εἰσαγγελίαις ὡς τῷ Ταύτῳ ἀνακλήσονται ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου στάσεως, ἐκεῖνον ἐπιτεθῇ, ὡς τοῖς ἀνακληθέντες ὡς τῷ ἐπιτεθῇ ἐπιτεθῇ ἐκείνου στάσεως ἐκείνου ἐλαύνων, μαχητὴ τε ἐπιτεθῇ. Dion. Lib. L. pag. 680. B. Ἡλέστη τε ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίῳ ὁ Κλαύδιος, ἐξ ἀληθῶς ἀνακληθέντες (ἀπὸ ἐκείνου μόνον ἐπὶ τῷ Ῥωμαίῳ ἀνακληθὲς ἐπιτεθῇ.) Suet. Vespasian, cap. 4. most powerful Nations, won Twenty Towns, and brought the Isle of Wight under the Roman Obedience. Of which Actions, besides what might have been said in the lost Books of Annals; Tacitus, in other Pieces of his, largely hints, that when Claudius rul'd, Vespasian's Behaviour and Success in this Island, shew'd to the World his Conduct and Courage in the Affairs of War: The same is also taken notice of by Dio. From his Conquest of the Isle of Wight, it may be imply'd, the Stage of his Actions here, was in those Countries which border on the South Channel rather than in the North: Since therefore the Clime, the Soil, and the more ready Conveniencies for foreign Trade and Correspondence, might entitle this Part of the Land, to sustain as numerous, as stout, and as experienc'd a People as any other (because Caesar takes notice they not only lent Aids to the Veneti in their Revolt, but were wont to assist the Gauls in most of their Wars against the Romans:) And whereas no Historian afterwards mentions any Disturbance given to the Romans from the Southern Parts; we may conclude, Vespasian entirely subdu'd them; and that before he left the Island, the Methods he establish'd for securing Peace, were no way inferior to those he had shewn in making War. --- 1 Tacit Agricol. cap. xiii. Divus Claudius auctor operis transvetis legionibus auxiliisque, & assumpto in partem rerum Vespasiano; quod initium venture mox fortuna fuit, domita gentes, capti Reges, & monstratus satis Vespasianus. Tacit, Hist. Lib. III. cap. xliiv. Et Britanniam inclinans erga Vespasianum favor, quod illic secunde Legioni a Claudio praepositus, & bello clarus egerat, non sine motu adjunxit ceterarum. Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. Lib. LXV. p. 736. C. 75. Ὅτι ἀναγράφων εὐνοία πολλῆς ἦν ἐκεῖ ἢ Βεσπασιανός ἤτοι ἢ ἐκεῖ ἢ ἐκεῖ πλήρως εὐνοίας. 2 De Bello Gal. Lib. I. i. locos jubi ad id Bellum Officium, Lexobios, &c auxilia ex Britannia, qua contra eas Regiones pesita est, accursunt. 3 Idem Lib. IV. Tamen in Britanniam praefici contendit, quod, omnibus fere Gallicis Bellis, hosibus nostris inde subministrata auxilio intelligebat. The Romans well knew, that those who were Strangers to Civility, could not without great Difficulty be kept in Obedience: As soon therefore as the Countries they had conquer'd, were reduced to some degree of Quiet; they endeavour'd to make the People in love with their Government, by introducing their Arts and Customs among them: From that inconsiderable Instance recorded by Pliny, we may see, how ready the Romans were, to oblige the People under their Power, with any Curiosity that might entertain their Senses, in order to endear them to the Authority they had over them. (He tells us, Cherries were not known in Italy, till the 68th Year of Rome, when L. Lucullus first brought them thither from Pontus; and that in a Hundred and Twenty Years, they were so increas'd, that not only many other Countries, but Britain also was supply'd with them; which must have been about Three Years after Claudius himself had been here. The usual Landing from Rome being then in the County of Kent; that Fruit without question was there first planted; and the Soil well agreeing with it, may be the reason that the best and greatest Quantity of it is yet there to be had.) Agricola, in the Second Year of his Lieutenancy here, when in Winter-Quarters, pursu'd the same Maxims (which Tacitus terms Saluberrima Consilia; and, as it may be infer'd from an Expression of Caesar conducing to the same End) to gain the Britons, by making them acquainted with the Roman Manners: He not only in private persuaded, but publickly help'd and --- 5 Plin. Lib. XV cap xv. 6 De Bell. Gallic. Lib. I. Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae: Propterea quod à cultu atque humanitate Provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos Mercatores sepe commaneant, atque ea qua ad effeminandos animos pertinent, important. and incourag'd them to build Temples, Places for common Assemblies, and private Houses after the Roman Mode: He took care to have the principal Youth instructed in the Liberal Arts: He allur'd them to affect the Habit of the Romans: And last of all, to engage them the more firmly, help'd them to a Tast of the Roman Luxury and Goodfellowship, by introducing the Use of shady Piazzas and Baths, and their way of Banqueting. But here, Tacitus may be understood to speak of what was done in order to civilize the Northern Parts of this Nation, where Agricola's Presence was required: The Southern was, we may suppose, softened and quieted by the same Methods near Forty Years before, when reduced by Vespasian. From hence it may be infer'd; that should never any other Tokens of the Antiquity of these Works be found; yet would the Bath denote the Age of the Pavement, and set it near as high as the most early Time, that the Romans had any real Authority in this Island. As by the Loss of some of the Annals of Tacitus, we may have been depriv'd of the most early History of this County; so likewise, for want of antient Religious Houses; there has been little or no Accounts left of its Circumstances, in the Times next after the Roman Authority expired here. Malmesbury says, that in his Time, there were here only the Abbies of Battle and Lewes, and those not long erected. The earliest Mention made of it, is by Bede, who informs us, that Bishop Wilfrid, in the Year 678, being thrust out of his Province of Northumbria by King Ecgfrid, settled at Selsey in 680, and staid Five Years, labouring --- 7 Tacit. Agricol. cap. xxi. 8 Gul. Malmsb. de gestis Pontific. Angl. Lib. II. 2 Bede Hist. Eccles. Lib. IV. cap. xlii. in the Conversion of the neighbouring Parts; but of what else relates to the County, save the miserable Ignorance of the Inhabitants, and the Number of Families, he has left no Account. Bede spent most of his Time in the Monasteries of Wiremouth and Jarrow, and travel'd little; so, that considering the Distance from thence to this County, and the different Governments and Interests that lay between, he may well be excus'd for the few Particulars he has left us of it. The next Records we have to view are those of Ethelwerd, the Chronicon Saxonicum, and Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon. But that you may the more clearly apprehend the antient State of this County; look into the best Map of it you can get. At the West End, you will find West-Harting and Stansted, distant from each other Six or Seven Miles; imagin a straight Line to be drawn from Harting to Bourne near Pewsey, and another to be drawn from a Point which must be little South of Stanstead to Brighthelmstone; What lies North of these Lines is the Weald or Lowlands, formerly the Sylva Anderida; that which is comprehended between these Lines, and bounded by the Sea, from Brighthelmstone to Bourne, is the Downs, so famous for their pleasant Situation and Fruitfulness. The Part South of these Lines, is a flat champain Ground, ending like a Wedge at Brighthelmstone. These two last Parts were those only that were inhabited in Bede's Time; they contain not more than Two Fifths of the whole County; which must be the reason why Bede said, Sussex consisted not of more than 7000 Families or Farms; whereas in another place he computes Kent to have 15000 Families. Bede Hist. Ecclefs. Lib. IV. cap. xiii, In the three Accounts above-mention'd 'tis agreed, that in the Year 477, Ella, with his Three Sons Cymen, Wlencing, and Cissa, landed his Forces at Cynones-Ora (which from a Charter of King Cedwallas to the Church of Selsey the learned Camden proves to be about Wittering near Selsey;) not far from which he routed the Britons, and drove them into the Weald (Andredesleige): Their farther Progress is most distinctly and naturally deliver'd by the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, in these Words; Saxones autem occuparunt littora Maris in Sudsex, magis magisque sibi regionis spatia capessentes, usque ad nonum annum adventus eorum. Tunc vero cum audaciùs regionem in longinquum capesserent; convenerunt Reges & Tyranni Brittonum apud Hexcredesburne, & pugnaverunt contra Elle & filios suos, & fere dubia fuit victoria. Uterque enim Exercitus valde lasus & minoratus, alterius congressum devovens, ad propria remearunt. Misit igitur Elle ad compatriotas suos auxilium flagitans. This County having been invaded in the most Western part of it by the Saxons; if what they did afterwards, was to possess themselves of it; their Progress must have been from West to East. And so much Henr. Huntingdon's Words plainly imply. He says farther, they were Eight Years about it; which, if we consider the Circumstances of the Country, 'twill be no great wonder it should take up so much Time; unless their Forces had been very great, which we have no warrant from any History to suppose: For the Weald then uncultivated, must have been most difficult to pass, even in the driest Summers. The Downs, like a Wall (with a Terras-Walk on the top) have a very steep Descent --- 1 Ethelward Hist. Lib.I. Cap.5. Chronic. Saxon.Ann. CCCCLXXVII. Hen. Hunt. Hist. Lib. II. 2 Camden Brit. Sussex. Descent into it, their whole Length; excepting, that every Ten Miles, or thereabouts, they have deep Channels through them to afford Passage for the Rivers into the Sea: Therefore, what was then habitable, being thus canton'd out into so many Parcels by the Rivers; nothing could be more difficult to gain, than those Cantonments; were there any Forces to defend the Passes that should have been attempted; the Rivers being deep and muddy, and the Morasses on each side broad and boggy: Hence we may conceive, 'twas no very difficult Task for the Britons to defend, nor an easy one, for the Saxons to gain the Country. And indeed, the many old Camps, still to be seen on the Downs, are an Evidence that scarce any part escaped being a Scene of War. Mr. Camden mentions but two, Cissbury and Chenkbury. In the new Edition of his Works Dr. Harris has added Three more; a Roman Camp at the Brile near Chichester, St. Rooks-hill, and Gons-hill near the West Limits of the County. It may not be improper here to insert an Account of the rest; in which, I shall first take notice of those that are on the North Edge of the Downs, and overlook the Weald. First, Chenkbury, mention'd by Mr. Cambden, Two Miles West of Steyning, and about Three Miles North of Cissbury; 'tis circular; its Circumference about two Furlongs. From Chenkbury Eight Miles East, over Poynings, is a very large one, an Oval, not less than a Mile round; accessible at one narrow Neck only, and that fortify'd, with a deep broad Ditch, and a very high Bank: I could never learn any other Name it has gone by, than Poor-Mans Wall; perhaps from its having been a Security to the distressed Britons. About Three Miles East from thence, is Wolsenbury, on a Hill, projected beyond the rest of the Downs, like a Bastion; it comes near a Circle in shape; its Diameter a little more than a Furlong. Near Three Miles East of Wolfsbury, on the highest part of the Downs in that Quarter, is a Camp, near square, about 60 Rods long, and 50 broad; much like a Roman Camp; the side next the North is secur'd by the Precipice of the Hill, which is both very deep and steep; the other Three Sides have each their Portæ after the Roman manner still very visible; the Ditch seems to have been not less than Eleven Foot broad; but the Ground having been plough'd, the Bank is but low: This is call'd Ditchling, as is the old Town under it. Near Seven Miles farther East, and a Mile and half East of Lewes, is the last on the North Edge of the Downs; it goes by the Name of Caburn; which perhaps is but a Corruption of the British Word Cadir; the Parish below it still retains its British Name Glynd: This is a round Camp, scarce Three Furlongs in Circuit; its Ditch very broad and deep, and the Rampart within very high; the Places where the Tents were pitch'd are yet visible; which, from the Strength of the Out-Works, intimates that those within held it no small time. Near a Quarter of a Mile West of it, there is a strong Work much larger, but not so perfect; yet enough to shew, it was made to secure a Power, that might lie there to bridle those in the strong Camp, and prevent their making Excursions towards Lewes. The Camps on the Southern Limits of the Downs, are St. Rooks near Chichester. High Down, a small Square, Four Miles East of Arundell, and in the Parish of Gorings Cissbury, Four Miles South-West of Steyning. Hollingbury is the only one in the middle of the Downs, Two Miles North of Brightonstone, and Three Miles South of Ditchling; 'tis a Square; the Portæ still remaining; it contains about Five Acres. A Mile East of Brightonstone on the top of a Hill, half a Mile from the Sea, Sea, is a Camp, which has a triple Ditch and Bank; this also is a Square, only the Corners are rounding; the outmost Trench measures about three Quarters of a Mile. In the Parish of Telcomb, about Five Miles East of the last, are two, but both imperfect; the Cliff is a South-Fence to One; the Other is a Mile distant from it; their West Sides are both finish'd with very able Works; they were design'd for Squares, and to contain 12 or 15 Acres. At Meeching or Newhaven, on the Point of the Hill, which overlooks the Harbour's Mouth from the West, is a Fortification which they call the Castle; its Banks are very high, the Shape near half oval, containing about Six Acres; formerly it might be much more, because the Cliff, which forms the Diameter, every Year more or less moulders away, and falls into the Sea. Near a Mile East of Seaford is another call'd also the Castle, bounded by the Cliff on the South; its Figure almost semicircular, the Trench and Rampart large, inclosing Twelve Acres. Three Miles East of Cuckmere Haven is the last, near a narrow Pass coming up from the Sea call'd Burling-gap; it incloseth a Hill nam'd Belltouf of a half oval Shape; the Works have the same Figure, and measure about three Quarters of a Mile; the Cliff here also makes the Diameter. Though neither History nor Tradition, has handed to us any Relation, when either of these Works were made or by whom us'd (except Cissbury by Cissa) yet from this View we may conceive, the Calamity of War once rag'd in all these Parts: that the Ground was disputed inch by inch: that in the Attack, as well as Defence of it, the Pick-Axe and Spade, were as much made use of, as the Sword: and lastly, that, unless the Aggressors were very numerous, eight Years was no long time taken up, in dispossessing the Inhabitants of this fast Country. Some may imagine, many of these Camps were made by the Danes; but by what may be observ'd from the History of those Times, that People seem'd not to be so formal an Enemy, as to prolong War by encampments: Their Refuge was in their Fleets that always attended them; so that, when likely to be vigourously oppos'd, they betook themselves to their Ships, and suddenly invaded another Part where was less Opposition: and what they could not carry with them, consum'd with Fire and Sword. Thus continually harassing the Nation by their hasty and rapacious Visits, they exhausted it of its Riches and Strength, and as it were imitating the Quality of the Falcon their Ensign, they flew the Prey to a Stand, and then seiz'd it. The Archdeacon of Huntingdon, in the Prologue or Dedication of his Annals, to Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, assures his Diocesan, that he compil'd his History from Chronicles reserv'd in ancient Libraries: no question therefore, when speaking of the Saxons here, he had good Authority to say (as above cited), magis magisque siti Regionis spatia capessentes; and that no other Meaning could belong to it; than that they carried their Conquest from West to East, in longinquum lengthways. Had they entirely made themselves Masters of the Country, 'twould have been too late: But before they had wholly gain'd it, the Britons assembled against them; the Saxon Chronicle says neah, i.e. propè; Ethelwerd, juxta; or, as Huntingdon has it, apud Hercres Desburne; where a Battle was so hard fought, that each Side had enough on't, and retir'd. The Saxons were so diminish'd, that Ella was oblig'd to send for more Forces. This Action was in the Ninth Year after Ella's first footing here, Three Years before Hengist's Death, Ann. Dom. 485. It so weaken'd Ella, that we hear no more of him till he receiv'd his Supplies. from Germany; which came not, according to H. Huntingdon, till the first Year of the Emperour Anastasius. Three Years after Hengist's Death, and Six Years after the hard Battel, viz. An. Dom. 491. Being thus strengthened, Ella mov'd again, besieg'd Anderida (in Huntingdon's Words, Urbem munitissimam) at last forced the Place; and by reason of the stout Resistance the Defendants made, Savage like, left not a Soul alive, and raz'd the City, which in Huntingdon's Time remain'd desolate. As to the Field where the Battel was fought; the Saxons extending their Power Eastward, the Check that was given them, in all probability must have been where they push'd on their Victories; and it being near Mercredesburn, this Bourne near Pevensey may be the Place meant, since it sounds like the latter part of that Name (for there not being a West Bourne that it relates to, the Name of it may rather be Esbourne than East-Bourne;) and likewise that Anderida, the Britons last Stake and Support, was not far from it. 'Tis probable therefore the Battel was fought on the Downs, between the Camp last mention'd at Burling-Gap and East Bourne; for there are no where on the Downs, that I have seen (and there are few Parts of them that I have not often view'd), Marks of a greater Battel than there; because, from the top of that very high Cliff, by the Inhabitants call'd The Three Charles (and by Mariners Beachy-Head) to Willington Hill, which is four Miles, the Ground is full of large Tumuli or Places of Burial; and in many parts within that Tract, where the Position of the Ground seems to offer, there are deep Trenches and Banks, which one would imagin were Breast-Works made to defend the Front of an Army; and the Tumuli on each side of them seem to shew, there was no small Struggle, in forcing as well as defending them. The Learned and Judicious Mr. Somner dislikes, that the Site of Anderida should be fix'd at Newenden, and is inclin'd to assign some Place in Sussex for it: But from a modest Deference to the Opinions of the Learned Camden and Selden, he drops the matter. But let us see, what our more elder Historians say of it; Henry of Huntindon's Words are, *Et quia tot illi damna toleraverant Extrani, ita Urbem destruxerunt, quod nunguam postea readificata est. Locus tantum, quasi nobilissima urbis, transcuntibus ostenditur desolatus.* Mathew of Westminster says, *Locus autem Civitatis usque hodie transcuntibus ostenditur desolatus.* Mansit ergo ibidem Ella cum tribus Filii suis, & Regionem illam, qua usque hodie Anglice Suthsex, Latine autem Regio Australium Saxonum dicitur, colere capit.* From the Expressions above-cited, it may be suppos'd the Ground where that City stood was not quite forgot, in either of those Historian's Days. Henry of Huntindon being the elder by 200 Years (had Newenden been the Place), his Words might have been true, in saying it was desolate: But 'tis very improbable Mathew of Westminster should have said so likewise; or at least, not taken notice of the Act of Piety and Charity of Sir Thomas Albuger, who, in his Time, had newly erected a Monastery at Newenden for the Carmelites who came from Palestine: But let that pass: what Authority Mr. Camden had for saying *Hengift sent for Ella out of Germany, to help him reduce Anderida,* is not to be found. From the Accounts above stated, and others that might be produced, it is clear, that Hengift was dead Three Years before the Siege was laid to Anderida. In the Time of Hengift's Life, we find, for Eight Years --- 1 Somner's Roman Ports and Forts in Kent, p. 106. 2 Camd. Brit. Kent Edit, 1695, Col. 211. Years Ella had enough to do in Sussex; and the Blow he had given him the Ninth Year at Mercedeshurne, oblig'd him to be quiet the other two Years of Hengift, and till his Succours (as above-mention'd) came to him from Germany. Besides, we have not the least Hint from any of our Historians, that Anderida was an Eye-sore, either to Hengift or his Son Esk after him; or that Ella assisted the Kentish Saxons, or the Kentish Saxons Ella in reducing it: Therefore this must be a Supposition only of Mr. Camden, in order to give Strength to the Notion of Anderida's being at Newenden. Taking no notice therefore of that Supposition, we may consider Newenden is on the Kent side of the Limen (for so is the River Rother call'd in the Saxon Annals, and by Mathew Westminster; and the Mouth of it nam'd Portus Limeneus, and Limene by Ethelwerd and Henr. Huntindon;) and that Kent having been subdued by Hengift and his Saxons, near Forty Years before; the Town at the Mouth of the Limen, and the rest, if any, up the Stream on the side of Kent, were also part of their Conquest. Furthermore, after it had cost Ella so much Time, and no doubt Pains too, in reducing the plain Ground of Sussex, 'tis not likely he should call more Forces out of Germany, that he might lead them Thirty Miles, through the Difficulties of the great Wood (which he must have done if Newenden were the Place,) to besiege a City, so far from his own, and within the Kentish-Saxon Limits, especially if there's any heed to be given to the Words of Math. Westminster before cited; who, after relating the sad Fate of the Inhabitants and City --- 3 Chron. Sax. A. Dom DCCCXCIII. Mat. Westm. Fl. Hist. A. Dom, DCCCXCII. 4 Ethelwerd. Lib. III. cap. iii. A. D. DCCCXCIII. Hen. Hunt. Hist. Lib. V. Alfr. Reg. an. 19. City of Anderida, immediately subjoins, Mansit ergo, &c. Ella and his Sons resided there (i.e. in that part of Sussex where Anderida was), and began to cultivate and improve the Country. In the last place, from the Use made of Anderida by the Romans, 'tis not likely (as Mr. Somner judiciously hints) its Place was at Newenden; for being one of the Stations, under the Prefectus littoris Saxonici, where Forces were quarter'd, to have a watchful Eye on the Sea, when ever the Saxon Pyrats came to infest the Coast: We may suppose it, like the rest of the Garisons under that Officer, conveniently situated for the same purpose; as were Branodunum Brancaster at the North Point of Northfolk; Gariannonum, North-Tarmouth, or very near it; Othona, Ithanchester in Dengy Hundred, in Essex, some Ages since swallowed up by the Sea; Regulbium, Reculver in Kent; Rutupis, Richborow; Dubris Dover; Lemannis (which from the Saxon Chronicle we must look for, Four Miles East of Appledore) probably New Romney, all situate near the Sea, on Ground which had a full Prospect of the Sea: whereas Newenden lies low, at least Eight Miles within Appledore, on a turning of the River, where the Land Eastward must have cut off any Prospect of the Sea. To all this may be added, that the Romans having a Numerus, Cohort, or Battalion of the Turracenses, in Garison at the Portus Lemanis on the Mouth of the Haven, we may suppose they knew how to husband their Strength to better purpose, than to place another --- 1 Somner Rom. Ports and Forts, pag. 105. 2 Not. Imperii à Panzirol. cap. Ixxiii. pag. 162. 3 Chron. Sax. A. Dom. DCCCXCIII. Tum appulerunt (sc. Dani) in Limeni ostium, cum CCL. Navibus. Super eum Fluvium traxerunt suas Naves usque ad sylvam, quatuor millariis ab exteriore parte estuarii; ibique expugnarunt quoddam munimentum (sc. Apuldre.) another Garison to watch the Motions of the Saxon Rovers, Twelve Miles up the little River, quite out of sight of the Sea, where they could be of no Service. Those who would have the Seat of Anderida to have been at Hastings; let them look on these Words of Henr. Huntindon (Haraldus rex Anglorum, eadem die reversus ad Eowirwic cum summa latitia, dum prandere audivit nuntium dicentem sibi, Willielmus dux Normanniae littora Australia occupavit, & castellum construxit apud Hastings,) and they will conclude Hastings was not a desolate place, in the Ages of the Historians, who affirm Anderida was: If at Pevensey; that Place was so far from being raz'd by Ella, that even after the Norman Conquest it remain'd a strong Castle, where Odo, Bishop of Bayon and his Forces sustain'd a Six Weeks Siege; and for want of Provision were oblig'd to surrender to K. William II. At this time there is so much of Pevensey standing, that perhaps 'tis the greatest and most entire Remain of Roman Building, anywhere to be seen in Great Britain. From the Arguments on the foregoing Authorities, Anderida must have been somewhere in Sussex, not in the West but East part of it, and not far from the East End of the Downs, near the Sea. From the Bath, Pavement, Coins, and Bricks, 'tis sure the Romans had once an Abode, and not a short one, at this Place near East-Bourne: From the large Extent of Foundations about the Place where these were discover'd; that there was a large Town or City there: From the common Height those Foundations bare under the Surface of the Ground; that the Buildings they sustain'd were effectually levell'd or raz'd: And from the Coals dug up amongst the Rubbish, 'tis evident that Part was burnt; all which Circumstances --- 2 Henr. Huntindon, Hist. Lib. VI. cumstances well enough agree with the Account given us of Anderida. The Situation likewise of a Town here, gives reason enough to suppose, it was a Place of importance, and whence it had its Name; no Part hereabouts being any way so convenient, for a secure Settlement; or for such a use as the Romans might have occasion to make of it. We are inform'd by Caesar, that the Maritime Parts of Britain (speaking of what he saw, which was the South-East) were inhabited by People from Belgium; and that they call'd their Settlements by the Name of the Places from whence they came. It was the Opinion of Tacitus also, that those who inhabited next to Gaul, came from Gaul. And Bede says, the Tradition in his Time was, that the Southern Part of the Isle was peopled from Bretaign. In the Third and Seventh Books of Caesar's Commentaries, mention is made of the Andes, a City and a People belonging to it among the Celts, inhabiting on the Sea Coast. Time varying the Names of Things, near Two Hundred Years after Caesar, Ptolemy calls the City Anderidum: And near 250 Years after him, when the Notitia Imperii, now extant, was in use, the Classis Anderetianorum is register'd; and the Residence of their Admiral fix'd at Paris. From whence 'tis to be infer'd, that tho' the Capital of the Andes might have been Angers near the Loire, yet their Country had on the North the British Channel; and on the East the Seine for its Bounds. The British Coast about East Bourne is the nearest of any to the Mouth of the Seine; Therefore, --- 1 De Bell. Gal. Lib. V. Qui omnes, sere iis nominibus civitatum appellantur, quibus orti ex civitate bas eo persenerunt. 2 Tac. Agric. cap. xi. In universum tamen estimanti, Gallos vicinum solum occupasse credibile est. 3 Bedæ Hist. Eccl. Gent. Angl. Lib. I. cap. 1. In primis hic Insula Britones solum, a quibus nomen accipit urbes habuit; qui de rebus Americano (ut fertur) Britanniam adorati Australis fui partes ditis vindicarunt. 4 Pancirol. Comm. in Notit. Imp. Cap. x C. pag. 79, 180. according to the Usage before Cæsar's Time, the Name of Anderida there, is readily accounted for. Moreover, this Place seems most naturally seated, for giving an Appellation to the great Wood, to which it adjoin'd: For, as it self is on the Shoar, so also the Sylva Anderida here, came very near the Shore; and a large part of it might be seen from the Sea before it: Indeed, on the Sea off of Romney, it might be discover'd; but then the Distance was great: At all other parts of the Coast, the Sight of it from Sea, is hinder'd by Hills, or high Cliffs. Setting aside the want of a navigable River, the Spot of Ground where this old Town stood, yields to none in the County for Importance and Pleasure: For here, like a Wedge, ends the firm Soil of the Downs; Nature has shap'd it like an Equilateral Triangle, having each side half a Mile in Length: Towards the Sea, on the Southern side, 'tis fenc'd by a low Cliff, of 12, 15, and in some Places 20 Foot high (in which Cliff is now to be seen a strong Foundation, that has acute Angles, which shews it to have been for a Fort rather than a Dwelling-House) On the Northern side is a Morass, with a large Rivulet of very good Water. Between the West side and the Downs lies a small Valley, by which Advantage, there was formerly a Harbour, capable of a small Fleet; the Banks on each side of it are an Evidence it was sunk by Industry; but by Weeds and Gravel from the Sea, and by Mould annually added, as is observable in Valleys, it is now so rais'd, that 'tis never flow'd but at high Spring-Tides, when a strong Wind forceth the Waves into it. This Harbour must have been a good Security to part of the West side; what other Works might have been to guard it, from Philos. Transact. An. 1701. No. 274. Pag. 926. the end of the Harbour to the Morais, cannot be said; by reason the Ground between has for many Ages been in Tillage. It is easy to imagine of what Importance a Town fortified at this Place must have been in those Ages, when the only Pass by Land from the West to the East End of the County was through it; for other there could not be, in many Miles North; unless the Lands in that Tract, which are still very owzy and tender, had been well drain'd. As the Situation describ'd, render'd this Place strong; it is very pleasant withal; for the Ground is high enough for a good Prospect of the Low Lands adjoining, and the Country towards Battell; besides, it has a commanding View over that Bay, which is between Beachy-Head and Hastings. If the Use made of it by the Romans, was to guard the Coast, there was this Advantage belonging to it; that a Centinel on the top of Beachy, not Two Miles from it, in a clear Day, without turning his Body, might see the Isle of Wight, the Hills in France near Bologna, and the Ness in Kent; so that from the Ness to Selsey it must have been a small Sail that could escape his Eye. It was my purpose to have added a Description of Pevensey-Castle; together with an Account of some Remains of Antiquity, discover'd last Summer towards the West End of the County: But having been too tedious already, must defer that for the present, and subscribe myself. Your most humble Servant, Lewes, Jan. 26. 1715. JOHN Tabor. III. Traetatus.