A Letter from Mr. Tho. Hearne, M. A. of Oxford, to Mr. Ralph Thoresby, F. R. S. Occasion'd by Some Antiquities Lately Discover'd Near Bramham-Moor in Yorkshire

V. A Letter from Mr. Tho. Hearne, M. A. of Oxford, to Mr. Ralph Thoresby, F. R. S. occasion'd by some Antiquities lately discover'd near BRAMHAM-MOOR in YORKSHIRE. WORTHY SIR, §. I. From the great Variety of antient Monuments continually found in these Islands 'tis plain that vast Improvements might be made to the Accounts that have been hitherto given of the British Antiquities, and there is no reason to doubt but if Mr. Cambden were now living he could with ease inlarge his Britannia to another Volume of equal Value with the former. Coyns were not so generally taken notice of by learned Men at that time as they have been since; at least if they did take notice of them, yet they were not so curious as to put down the several Descriptions of them, nor to consider their true Use. Since his Excellency Baron Spanheim's Book, and other Works of the same kind were publish'd, Scholars have been more inquisitive after these Relicks; and from the infinite numbers dug up amongst us, divers Places that were of note in the times of the Romans, but are now quite destroy'd, have been found out, which Mr. Cambden knew nothing of in his time for want of these Discoveries. Add to this that the Antiquity of some other Towns may be carried by these Helps much higher than he has done in his respective Discourses of them; and particularly Witney, within seven Miles of Oxford, appears to be of note long before Edward the Confessor's time, as I gather from Roman Coyns lately found there, some of which I have had communicated to me by the Reverend Dr. Ralph Trumbull, not long since Rector of that Place. The best of those sent to me is one of impure Silver (according to the Custom of that Time) in Honour of Julia Mamaea, Mother to Alexander Severus. That which makes it the more likely that here was a Town so early is this, that the Icknield Way passed not far from it on the right hand in its Course to Cirencester, where all the four Great Ways cross'd. I might here mention other Places, that have receiv'd the same Advantage for their Antiquity, if I were not sufficiently satisfied that you are much better acquainted with this Part of Learning, and with the several Uses of it than I am. Thro' the Ignorance of divers that light upon these old Monuments it is that many of them are quite destroy'd; but then there are not wanting several ingenious Gentlemen, who out of a natural Love to Antiquity spare no Costs nor Pains to collect and preserve as many as they can, and are always ready to communicate to the Publick their Observations upon them. Amongst these I deservedly reckon your self, who as You have made a very good Collection, so you have withal been pleased to oblige the Learned World with several curious Discourses upon them in the Philosophical Transactions. You have likewise been so kind as to favour me with the Account of some of them, and when I was engaged in the Oxford Edition of Livy, you took care to transmit to me two Inscriptions, which shew that the ixtth Legion of the Romans resided at York. These I have made publick at the End of the last Volume in the Annotations (a). But I am most concern'd at present for the old Instruments which you tell me were some Months (a) See Vol. VI. pag. 181. since found at a Place call'd Osmondthick near Bramham-Moor in your County, concerning which you desire I would give you my Opinion; which I shall the rather do that you may see I am not unmindful of your Favour, but am willing to make all possible Returns I can. § 2. These Instruments it appears from your Letter are of Brass, and are five or six in number, but of different Sizes, from a little more than three to four Inches and a half in length, and from one and a half to two and a half in breadth. They are somewhat in form of a Wedge, as proceeding from a thin Edge to one and a half or two Inches at the thicker End, where they are hollowed to put upon a Shaft. Each of them has an Ear or Loop, which that I may the better perceive the form of, you have been at the Pains of adding the Draught of one, accurately done by yourself. From your exact and nice Relation 'tis plain that they are just like that we have in the Repository adjoining to the Bodleian Library at Oxford. This has been kept there for several Years; but where 'twas discovered there is not the least Memorial to inform us. Perhaps it might be procur'd by Dr. Plot when he was writing the Natural History of Staffordshire, where he has (b) mentioned several Instruments of the same kind dug up in that County. You have told me that 'tis your Opinion that these Instruments were the Heads of Spears or walking Staves of the civiliz'd Britains; and for Confirmation of it you refer me to Mr. Speed's History of Great Britain, (c) where he has publish'd the Figures of the antient Britains both before and after they were civiliz'd. You acknowledge however that the Tops of the Spears there are somewhat different from those we are now considering. And indeed they are not only somewhat but altogether diffe- (b) See Chap. X. § 19, &c. (c) L. i. e. 7. rent, being exactly of the same Make with those we find in the Columna Trajana and the Books that represent to us the Military Instruments of the old Romans, Greeks, &c. But had they been of some Resemblance, yet I cannot see that those Figures in Speed are of any Authority. For tho' you guess that they were copied from old MSS. yet I could never yet meet with any MSS. of our British History that have any such Figures. If ever anyone had them, we have reason to presume that other Books upon the same Subject would have retain'd them; at least we ought not to doubt it of Copies of the same Author. That is the Method observ'd in other Sorts of MSS. The Illuminators were generally left at liberty as to the Ornamental Parts of the Great Letters; but when any Figures were to be depicted that should illustrate and explain the Author, there they were to be exact and punctual, and they had no more Allowance to alter them than they had to alter and interpolate the Text of the Author himself. Hence I am inclin'd to think that these Figures are modern, and are owing to Mr. Speed himself. 'Tis also what himself insinuates in the same Chapter, acknowledging that they were adapted to the Descriptions given of the Britains in ancient Authentick Authors. But not to examine other Particulars, the Form of the Spears in their Hands is not countenanc'd by any Authority of Note. For tho' Herodian has acquainted us that they used short Spears, yet he is silent as to the Make of them. Nor indeed have we anywhere a good Account of the Military Arms of the Britains. The Authors transmitted to Posterity by them are modern in comparison of the Roman Writers, and are withal Romantick and not to be rely'd on. And as for the Bards they took no care to transmit to Posterity these Weapons, or to give us nice Relations of their Countrymen. 'Tis true, there have been and are still found several Instruments made of Flint, which the best Judges esteem to be British. The Flint Heads of their Arrows are commonly called in Scotland Elf-Arrows, as being being supposed to have an extraordinary Virtue against the Elves, and to drop from the Clouds. There are other Flints somewhat in form of Axes, and these Dr. Plot calls (d) British Axes; but Dr. Leigh thinks (e) they are Indian. Sir William Dugdale inclines to the Opinion embrac'd by Dr. Plot, and he acquaints (f) us with several of about four Inches and an half in length, curiously wrought by Grinding. But they might as well have been Roman, the Romans having used Flint Weapons as well as the Britains, and 'twas from the Romans that the Britains learn'd the Art of working them. That which also seems to make us believe that they might be Roman, is that those mentioned by Sir William were found at Oldbury, Aldbury or Ealdbury, which was a Roman Fort, and is the same in Signification with Alcester in Oxfordshire, Alcester being nothing else but ēalo-cearrep, so call'd by the Saxons to shew that 'twas a Place of Antiquity even in their Time. And tho' the Anonymous Author of the Antiquities of Alcester at the End of the Parochial Antiquities of Ambrosden derive it from Allactus, as if he were the Founder, yet there is no Authority either from Coyns, Inscriptions, or Books to countenance the Conjecture. §. 3. Now since there are no Authentick Authors by which we may learn what Arms were made use of by the Britains in their Wars, I can think of no properer Method for finding this out than by seeing what Arms were in use amongst those People from whom they immediately had their Original. Mr. Sheringham, who was a learned Man and endued with an accurate Judgment, inclines to the Story of Geffry of Monmouth, who deduces the Bri- (d) Loco supra citat. (e) Natural History of Lancashire, lib. I. p. 181. (f) Antiquities of Warwickshire, pag. 778. tains from the Trojans. And this is the Opinion too of several other learned Men. But whatever their Abilities and Authority might be in other Respects, yet in this they must be reckoned partial, and I rather strike in with those other Writers of more authority who derive the Britains from the Gauls; amongst whom Mr. Camden is chief. He has diligently and nicely prov'd that the Gauls and Britains had the same Religion; that they both had their Bards and Druids, enjoy'd the same form of Government, us'd the same Method of Fighting, had the same Natural Genius, were equally candid and innocent, were addicted to change when provok'd, were compassionate to their Relations, and always ready to partake in their Vindication. He has withal shew'd that they both affected great Numbers of Servants, that their Buildings were alike and were surrounded with Woods, that they both usually wore Chains of Gold about their Necks, and had Rings on their Middle-Fingers; that they both wore long Hair, and that the Garments call'd Brache were common to each. These Things he confirms from the best and most approved Authors. And as the chiefest Argument he has alledg'd Variety of Instances to shew that they spoke the same Language. Mr. Sheringham himself was aware of this, and therefore to evade the Force of the Argument he makes (g) the Trojans to come through Gaul, which being then thinly inhabited, he says Brute and his Companions soon conquer'd it, built a City, and continued there 'till such time as they had well peopled it, after which they pass'd over into Britain, and by that means the Britains came to have the same Language. This is his Hypothesis, which is so far from deserving Approbation, that it does not seem consistent with usual Prudence, nor with the other wise Acts that are ascrib'd to Brute. For no one that rightly considers can think that Brute would voluntarily leave so large a (g) See his Book de Origine Gentis Anglor. pag. 7. &cseqq. Country as Gaul for one that was so much less. It is therefore more likely that the Britains had their immediate Original from the Gauls. Cæsar himself thought so as to those that inhabited more near the Coasts, notwithstanding his Observation that the Midland People were Aborigines. Nor will Boxhorn's Assertion that the Gallick Tongue was the same with the Scythian overthrow this Hypothesis. For it may very well be supposed that the Gauls came first from the Scythians, who are in Justin (b) observ'd to have been the most ancient People, and to have contended with the Egyptians on that Score. This will exactly agree with what Camden and others have asserted concerning the Gauls being descended from Gomer, the eldest Son of Japhet. I know indeed that Mr. Sammes derives the Scythians from Magog the second Son of Japhet. But (not here to take notice of his contradicting himself in this Point) since Strabo (i) and Stephanus (k) mention a City call'd Gogarena between Colchis and Iberia, and since the City Hierapolis in Celso-Syria, according to Pliny (l), was call'd by the Syrians MAGOG, 'tis more probable that Magog seated himself in those Countries, near to which 'tis agreed his Brethren settled, than that he wandred so far out of the Way from them. Here I cannot but take notice that the Britains were like the Scythians a frugal People, and their long Lives (they often living to the Age of 120 Years) might in great measure be ascrib'd to their Temperance, and their Milk Diet, (just like the Hippomolgs mentioned by Homer (m). And as Eschylus tells us that the Scythians were ἀπολαμβάνεις Βοτῖοις σύνοχοι, a just Nation and addicted to the Feeding of Horses, (b) Hist. lib. II. c. 1. (i) Lib. II. (k) De Urbib. locc. Γερμανία. (l) Nat. Hist. lib. V. c. 23. (m) II. XIII. v. 3. so the same may be said of our antient Britains who were very religious and observ'd the Rules of their Priests, and took extraordinary Delight in Cattle, whence perhaps they might affect to have the figures of Beasts cut upon their Bodies. From what has been laid down I hope 'tis plain that the Gauls and Britains were of the same Original. What we have next to do is to see what Arms were us'd by the Gauls. There are several Authors that have written of the Nature of them, and particularly Cluver and Boxhorn. Their Names are Spatha, gessum, (gesum or gæsum) lancea, sparum, cateia, mataris or rather materis (not matara, machara, μάχαρα, μάχαιρα, μάχαιρα or μάχαιρα (n) thyreos, and cetrum or ceira. I shall not here insist upon the Signification or reason of the Names, but only observe in general that the gessum was a Javelin, the sparum, cateia and mataris were different Sorts of Darts, and that the thyreos was an oblong and the cetrum a short sort of Shield. So that the Spatha only remains (for the nature of the Lance is well known) to be compard with the Weapons we are considering. 'Tis call'd by the Italians SPADA, and by the Spaniards ESPADA. From the Description that Ifidore has left us of it, we are inform'd that 'twas a two-edg'd Sword, with which they cut and did not thrust. Whence 'tis plain these Arms had not sharp Tops, agreeable to what Livy (o) has related that their gladii were pra- longi, ac sine mucronibus. And Polybius has the same reason why they did not push with them. Hence it is clear that our Instruments which have not two Edges, but are dull like wedges were not spatha, and since they do not agree to any of the other Gallick Instruments (n) See Livy lib. VIII. c. 24. Edit. Oxon. (o) Lib. XXII. c. 46 Edit. Oxon. we must carry on our Inquiry; and examine whether they agree with any of the Arms of some other ancient Nation that made a Figure in Britain. §. 4. Our Ancestors the Saxons will have no share in this Inquiry. For 'tis plain from the History of them given by Verstegan, and the figures publish'd also by him, that Spears, Halberds, Shields, Cross-bows, Swords, (which were broad and bowing, somewhat in fashion of a Sythe,) and Hatchets, which they call'd Bills, were the Arms made use of by them; nor did the Weapons of the Danes that succeeded them much vary if at all. Coming from the same Parts they us'd the same Customs in their Military Undertakings. For tho' the Normans endeavour'd to make an entire Alteration, yet they found the Attempt impracticable, and they were forc'd to acquiesce, and lay aside their Proposals, which thwarted so very much those antient Customs that were here generally entertain'd, and receiv'd. But however notwithstanding these Instruments do not resemble either the Saxon or Danish Military Arms, yet I find in Wormius's Museum (p) two Cimbrian Instruments with which they have some likeness. These he tells us were of Brass, and he calls them Wedges. The larger of them was five Inches in length, and three in Breadth. He is of opinion that they were us'd in the Wars, especially when the Armies were very near each other. If they had Holes by which they might have been fix'd to Helves he would have believ'd them to be Battle-Axes; but being neither hollow (as ours are) nor having no other way of being fasten'd to other Instruments, he concluded that the Name of Wedges might be most proper. A very ingenious Gentleman some time since inform'd me (p) Pag. 354. that much such Instruments had been found in the Isle of Man, and that a great many Urns had been also discovered there, as likewise divers Inscriptions with strange Characters. I do not question but the Inscriptions are Runick. And 'tis highly probable that the Instruments were like those in Wormius; but if they agree exactly with ours they will from what I shall say by and by appear to be Roman. For notwithstanding it be commonly held that the Romans never were in this Isle, yet I see no other reason why it should be thought so, than that the antient Authors now remaining do not mention it. This is only a negative Argument, and what we ought not to lay a very great Stress upon. The Urns seem clearly to evince that they were here. I know indeed that 'tis said that these Urns must be perfectly Danish, by reason of the small black Bones and Ashes found in them; which however is no sure Ground to go upon. For I have seen in the Bodleian Repository a Piece of a Roman Urn which was dug up several Years ago at an old Roman Town in England with many others, some of which were of different Figures. 'Tis now in a Box, and with it are little black Bones, Ashes, &c. wrapped up in two Pieces of course Linnen. This Linnen is in the same figure with the Urn, but the Urn for one of the Pieces is wanting. The Smallness of the Bones shews that they are the Relicks of Children. It was customary among the Romans after the Bodies were burnt to wash the Bones with Wine and Milk, and afterwards the Women wrapt their Children in Linnen, dry'd them in their Bosoms, and then put them into Urns to be buried. This Custom was also peculiar to the Danes, who learn'd it from the Romans, from whom likewise they receiv'd Urn-Burial itself. Such Urns too are mention'd by the famous Sir Thomas Brown to have been found at Old Waddingham in Yorkshire. Nor is the Roman History altogether silent of the Isle of Man's being known to the Romans, mans. For Plutarch expressly tells us, that one Demetrius sailed hither, as well as to other British Isles in the Reign of Adrian. 'Tis no wonder that Runick Inscriptions are discovered in the Places where Roman Urns are found. Those Inscriptions might have been made upon other occasions after it became in future Ages inhabited by Danes and Norwegians. The same Accident has sometimes happened in England. And Mr. Camden particularly relates in the Close of his Discourse concerning Stone-Henge, that in the Time of King Hen. VIIIth. was found at Stone-Henge a Table of mixt Metal on which were ingrav'd many Letters, but the Character was so strange that neither Sir Thomas Elyot, nor Mr. Lilly, the famous School-Master of St. Paul's, could tell what to make of them, and so there was no care taken to preserve the Monument, the Loss of which was afterwards much lamented by Olaus Wormius, who thought it to be Runick, as without question it was: and yet Stone-Henge itself is a Roman Work, as has been made out by Mr. Inigo Jones, who tho' he was confuted by the late learned Dr. Charleton; yet Mr. Jones's Opinion was very well defended by Mr. John Webb, who has in his Book distinctly examined the Methods made use of both by the Romans and the Danes in their Buildings. §. 5. Having proceeded thus far in this Inquiry, and shew'd that these Instruments were not military Arms either of the Britains, or of the Saxons, or of the Danes, I shall now carry it on farther and endeavour to prove that they are owing to the Romans, which is what I have before insinuated. I once thought that they were a sort of Axes which the Romans made use of in their Sacrifices, of which Dr. Plot takes notice of two sorts, the secures Lapideæ and the secures Cupree, tho' Dr. Leigh will have his Instances to be both Indian. Upon a more narrow consideration of the Roman sacrificial Instruments, I have quite changed changed this Opinion, not finding the least Footsteps of such Axes in any of the Books of Roman Antiquities I have hitherto consulted. On the contrary they are in the Suovetaurilia or Solitaurilia of the Columna Trajana represented in the same Form, and fastened in the same manner, that we use at this Day. And so also in other Sacrifices, as may partly be seen in the Gemms, Rings, &c. publish'd out of the Studies of Augustinus, and Gorleans, as well as in the Monuments of Gruter, Reinesius, Spyn and Fabretti, to omit the Authors collected upon this Subject by Gravius in his large Body of Roman Antiquities. Neither could they have been the Heads of Spears, as is manifest from the same Authorities. The Roman Spears and Javelins occur very frequently, and yet not one of them either on their Coyns or elsewhere is to be met with in the Figure of these Instruments. 'Tis true some of their Spears had two Heads, so they might use either End uppermost as they pleas'd. We have one of these in Augustinus (q). The Heads differ from one another, but they neither of them answer our Monuments. Nor are the most antient Spears of the Romans we meet with different from those they made use of in more modern Times, as may in some measure be seen in the famous Shield lately published at Oxford (r), which is certainly authentick. It's Antiquity is defended in the Place I have cited. It may here be farther added to what is there alledg'd that Lucius Florus gives (s) us the first Instance of the Romans fighting upon Horses without Bridles; and in the Columna Trajana (t) the Horses are placed in full speed with their Riders without any Bridles or other Curbs to restrain and guide them, (q) Gemm. & Script. antiqu. ex Edit. Jac. Gronovii Franco. 1694. Part. num. 155. (r) Vide Livij Edit. Oxon. Vol. VI. p. 195. (s) Lib. I. c.9. (t) Num. 199. a great many of the Romans having made themselves Masters of this Method of Fighting that they might like the Numidians (who were famous for it) be the less incumber'd in the Battle, and rush upon the Enemy with the more Force. Their Desultores also are Proof enough of it's being practicable. §6. But now tho' these Instruments are not properly Roman military Weapons, such as they us'd in their Battles, yet they were of service amongst the Souldiers, and good Numbers of them were constantly provided to be carried about in the Army. For I believe that they are Roman Chissells, and that they were us'd to cut the Stones, and other Materials that were judg'd serviceable for building their Camps. This is not Conjecture only as appears from the Columna Trajana, where (n) the Souldiers are represented polishing the Stones for the Roman Tents in the Dacic Wars with such sort of Chissells made of Brass. These Chissells they beat and worked into the Stone and other Materials with Mallets of the same Metal. We have other Instances of it in the same Pillar, which is one of the best Monuments we have by which to judge of the several Instruments made use of by them in their military Enterprises. These Chissells were of admirable service in making their Aggeres, which consisted of Earth, Stones and Timber. The Stones were sometimes thrown together without any polishing; but that was more rarely, and 'twas look'd upon as a better security to have them work'd that they might lye even. By this Account the reason will be easily perceiv'd why these Instruments are hollow, namely to fasten Handles to them for more convenience in driving them. If (n) In num. 167. they had been Wedges, 'twould have been a great Inconvenience to have had them hollow. Besides the Wedges by being drove into the Wood or Stones would have been strangely worn on the Sides, and have receiv'd considerable Alterations, whereas the Sides of ours in the Bodleian Repository (and I suppose your's are so too) are just as they were at first, and there is not the least Change, unless it be on the Edge, which is very blunt and much broken, which I guess to have proceeded from the Stone. As for the Ears or Loops, 'tis probable they might be put on that thereby the Handles might be fixt the better; or perhaps they were design'd for the Ease of the Souldiers, who in their Journeys might by this means fasten them to their Girdles. For I believe most if not all the Souldiers had such Instruments, which they were oblig'd to make use of when Necessity requir'd. I know that 'tis the opinion of most that there were a few particular Persons always in the Army to whom these Works were committed, and that they were exempt from the Office of Souldiers, and that they were marmorarij, quadrarij, tignarij and structores. These may be call'd all by one Name fabri murarij, tho' that is commonly reckon'd only another Name for structores. But this is a wrong Perswasion, and Fabretti has (w) well observ'd that there are no fabri murarij, as they are taken for Artists distinct from Souldiers, on Trajan's Pillar. This Observation he has made in opposition to Santi Bartoli, who calls them expressly fabri murarij. Fabretti's Remark as 'tis very just with respect to this sort of Artists, so it must be noted that there were no other distinct Artists that were freed from the Dutys of Souldiers. Even the Artists that had receiv'd liberal Education are to (w) Syntagmi de columna Trajana pag. 298. be comprehended in this Observation, I mean their Physicians: which is the reason that in Fabretti we have (x) the Picture of a Physician fortified with a lorica or Coat of Mail and moving his Hands to a sick Person that was his Patient. The lorica shews he was one of the better sort of Souldiers call'd evocati, those of the inferior Order being allow'd only a Pectoral of thin Brass. It withal points out to us that he was after he had finish'd these Offices to the Sick bound to betake himself to the other Offices of a Souldier. This was sometimes intermitted, but in Trajan's strict Discipline 'twas always observ'd, he being resolv'd to imitate and bring into fashion the Severity that had been made use of in the more antient Times. For this reason we see the Souldiers in this Pillar duly exercising and performing, when there was any need, all the Offices of Tradesmen, it being at this time customary to lift Tradesmen amongst the Souldiers for this Intent. § 7. Besides the Uses these Instruments were put to informing the Roman Camps, they were moreover employ'd in making and repairing the High Ways, which swallow'd up a large Quantity of Stone, especially in such Places as were marshy and Fenny. The Pomptin Marshes were vastly large, and yet at such time as the Souldiers were too many to be us'd against the Enemy, a motion was made that they should be employ'd to drain them, which was so well approv'd, that the Senate immediately gave Orders for it, and the Soil was so rich and fertile that great Numbers came and settled here, insomuch that there were no less than XXXIII. Towns built upon the Ground. The Waters however afterwards got strength again, and 'twas in a manner wholly drown'd; which made Julius Caesar entertain some Thoughts of draining (x) Loco cit. pag. 217. them afresh and of carrying the Appian Way through them, whereas it had before went about them; but he fail'd in his Design, and 'twas left for one of his Glorious Successors the Emperor Trajan, who after he had cleans'd the Fens, caus'd a Stone Way to be made through them, whereon were built large Inns and magnificent Bridges for Conveyance of the Water which was in the upper Part of the Marsh. For memory of which he had a Monumental Stone erected with a proper Inscription, by which it appears that the Way was XIX Miles in length, there being plac'd at the End of every Mile a Mile-Stone, and from thence the Way itself was in succeeding Times call'd Decennovium. I might from hence take occasion to mention other Works of the Romans in Italy of this kind, in which Chisells were absolutely necessary for cutting the Stones; but this is needless at present, and therefore I shall only remark that as Trajan was diligent about the Ways in Italy and other Parts, so it seems he was no less careful of these Affairs in Britain. For notwithstanding some tell us that the four Great Ways in Britain are owing to Molmutius, one of the British Kings and Belinus his Son, yet Mr. Camden and others have shew'd that they are rather to be attributed to the Romans, being repair'd and made as it were quite anew (whereas before they were very mean) by Trajan, after he had reduc'd the Britains to Obedience. Besides which Ways he also made divers other Lesser ones here, and perhaps these Chisells that have occasioned this Letter may be some of those us'd by the Souldiers in his Reign, tho' before his Time Acts of this kind had been perform'd by the Roman Souldiers, who also forc'd the Britains to undergo the same Drudgery, which occasion'd them to complain to Agricola, as if they were too severely and hardly dealt with. § 8. If it be ask'd how it comes to pass that these Instruments are of Brass rather than of any other Metal? it may be reply'd that they as well as the People of other Nations in former times thought there was an extraordinary virtue in Brass. Whence it was that they us'd brass Instruments when the Moon was in an Eclipse (y), thinking that by beating of them she would the more easily be recover'd from her Labour, which custom almost universally prevail'd. And 'twas upon account of this peculiar Virtue suppos'd to be in Brass that the Instruments made use of in the Sacred Offices were in the more early times all of Brass; that the Tuscans used Brass Plowshares when their Cities were built, and that the Priests of the Sabins were shav'd with Brass Razors (z). Hesiod himself tells (a) us that the Antients us'd Brass Instruments before Iron ones: χαλκῷ δ' ἐργάζοντο μίλας, δ' οὖν ὁσὲς σιδήρες. At which time not only their Arms but their Houses were likewise of Brass. Τοῖς δ' ἀν χάλκεα μὲν τεύχει, χάλκεοι δὲ τεῖχος. (a) The Custom might prevail as well in Britain as elsewhere, Iron being not so very plentiful in the first time of the Romans; however it might increase afterwards when the Bath-Forge was erected, and all proper Methods us'd upon that occasion. Nor ought it to be wonder'd how the Brass-Chisells could be apply'd to the Stone without breaking to pieces immediately, any more than that the Plough-shares did not suffer the same Damage in casting up the Ground and grating against the Stones with more Violence. The Brass in those early times was of a different nature from ours, and so temper'd as to endure much longer with less inconvenience in the several Operations to which employ'd. § 9. I have finish'd what I have to say at present upon these old Instruments. As for another Piece of Anti- (y) See Livy lib. XXVI. c. 5. Edit. Oxon. (z) Vide Rhodigimi antiqu. l. XIX. c. 104. (a) Ep. Ἡμ. lib. I. v. 150. (b) I. id. v. 149. quily which you tell me you have in your Collection, namely a Spur that is no less than 6 Inches and an half long from the Heel to the Middle of the Rowell, which you take to be of a much later Date than the other Monuments, we have one in the Bodleian Repository of much the same length, of which I have made mention in my Additions to Sir John Spelman's Life of King Ælfred. There have been several others found in England, and you have justly guess'd yours to be more modern than the other Instruments. For these Spurs are certainly Danish, as appears from Wormius's Monumenta Danica (d), where he has given us the Figure of one, and there is an Account of divers others towards the latter End of his Museum, one of which is a foot and some odd Inches in length. §. 10. I have been the more particular upon this Subject, because I do not remember that it has as yet been treated of by any of our Antiquaries, and I was willing to discuss several Points that occasionally offer'd themselves when I began to consider it. Conjectures in Affairs of this nature are allowable, and accordingly I have made use of them; but I have endeavour'd to keep myself within the Bounds of Modesty, and I leave the whole to your better Sagacity. If I have suggested any thing that may be of use to you, as well as serve to gratify your Curiosity, it will be abundant Satisfaction to, Oxon. . . . . Sir, 1709. Your oblig'd humble Servant Tho. Hearne. (c) Pag. 43. (d) Pag. 50. LONDON: Printed for H. Clements, at the Half-Moon in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1709.